Far Western Ethno Wiki - User contributions [en]

Data Access

2021-02-04T00:05:13Z

Paul:

Original Microsoft Access database (missions.mdb) and Personal Geodatabase (gis-regions.mdb) are available for download [https://file.ac/4Ye5VvXz-Lg/ here.]

Please contact Pat Mikkelsen for the download password.

Main Page

2018-05-21T18:00:30Z

Paul: /* Overview */

__NOTOC__
== Contact-Period Native California Community Distribution Model ==
[[Image:Vol1-cover.png|230px|thumb|right]]
=== Overview ===
* [[VOLUME 1|Overview of Analysis Methods and Process]]
* [[:Category:Volume|Analytical Zones]]
* [[:Category:Region|Regions]]
* [[Data_Access|Data Access]]

The Contact-Period Native California Community Distribution Model (CDM) reconstructs California Indian community ethnogeography at the time of Spanish settlement. The CDM package currently includes: (1) a GIS map layer portraying 663 independent landholding communities/year-round habitation regions; (2) a group of monographs documenting ethnogeographic information and sources for the regions; and (3) a mission register database tracking the vital statistics of individuals who moved to Franciscan missions from approximately 420 of the 663 native regions. The digital map and text are dynamic, designed to be used, updated, and revised by academic scholars, tribal scholars, government agency planners, and culture history interpreters.

Most of the CDM mapping regions—especially those across most of central California—represent the lands of true territorial sedentary village-communities or tribelets. Some other regions represent distinct clusters of loosely affiliated villages, sedentary in Northwest California but with extensive seasonal population shifts in areas east of the Sierra and in the dry inner Coast Ranges. Mapping regions in parts of southern California are merely arbitrary divisions applied for purposes of local vicinity analysis to portions of extensive open networks of small, inter-marrying village-groups. Confidence in the accuracy of the regions and their boundaries varies greatly due to differences in the richness of existing data and to differences in scholarly interpretations of those data.

The database, narratives, and regional boundaries are presented in a GIS application and Wiki format. This will allow future scholars to reconsider regional boundaries, to expand or annotate existing monographs, and to contribute new monographs for the currently unfinished areas.

Data Access

2018-05-21T17:59:11Z

Paul:

Original Microsoft Access database (missions.mdb) and Personal Geodatabase (gis-regions.mdb) are available for download [https://file.ac/vbmltdDyVDw/ here.]

Please contact Pat Mikkelsen for the download password.

Data Access

2018-03-09T20:54:41Z

Paul: Created page with "Original Microsoft Access database (missions.mdb) and Personal Geodatabase (gis-regions.mdb) are available for download [https://file.ac/vbmltdDyVDw/ here.]"

Original Microsoft Access database (missions.mdb) and Personal Geodatabase (gis-regions.mdb) are available for download [https://file.ac/vbmltdDyVDw/ here.]

VOLUME 10

2015-08-07T23:09:02Z

Paul:

=Volume 10: South Coast Ranges Analytic Zone=
[[File:Vol10-cover.png|right|150px]]'''The Contact-Period Native California Community Distribution Model'''

July 2010 DRAFT

''By:''

Randall Milliken,''Consulting in the Past''

''With:''

John Johnson,''Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History'' 
Patricia Mikkelsen,''Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc.'' 
Paul Brandy,''Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc.'' 
Jerome King,''Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc.'' 

''Submitted to: ''California Department of Transportation, District 6, 2015 East Shields Ave, Fresno, CA 93726
----

<blockquote>''It may be anticipated that future scholars, undaunted by the huge mass of available published and manuscript data on California Indians, will work over the information on a tribe-by-tribe basis and prepare maps showing the domains of the identifiable or inferable tribelets.

-R. F. Heizer 1966''</blockquote>

=Abstract=
The in-progress ''Contact-Period Native California Community Distribution Model'' (CDM) brings together decades of research and mission record analysis into selected volumes that will eventually be part of a 15 volume print/wiki encyclopedia portraying the socio-political landscape of native California after first contact with the Spanish, between 1770 and 1830.

Volume 1 of the series presents an overview of the CDM model, explaining the process of ethnographic data analysis and regional mapping unit construction across all portions of California. Volumes 2-15 will eventually represent contextual overviews of each of the 14 analytical zones identified within California. Each zone has a group of independent, landholding regions (totaling 663) defined by mutual history, shared languages, and similar land-use patterns. An introduction to each volume will focus on multi-regional issues (overview of history, ethnography, and research techniques) followed by individual regional monographs (some complete, some unfinished) covering languages, environment, and early expedition, mission, historic, and ethnographic sources, as applicable. A comprehensive bibliography will conclude each volume.

Volume 10, entitled ''South Coast Ranges'' ''Analytical Zone'', covers the Northern Chumash, Esselen, Ohlone, and Salinan language family areas. The zone contains 56 regions including portions of Fresno, Kern, Kings, Merced, Monterey, San Benito, San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, Santa Clara, and Santa Cruz counties. Currently, the volume is in a state of partial development. It contains an attenuated introduction, eleven monographs in various stages of development, and a list of references applicable to the zone as a whole.

The CDM is also presented in a collaborative Wiki website (currently accessible through farwestern.com) which consists of several major elements—ACCESS data tables, GIS maps, and narrative text. In this format, the ethnographic data are available to scholars from academia, tribal communities, and agencies that can locate and organize data effectively, add new information as it becomes available, and generate feature articles that can include maps, pictures, or cross-references.

This series has been produced by Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc., with support from a number of district environmental branches within the California Department of Transportation.

{|border="2" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="4" width="72%" align="center"
|+Table 1. Volume, Analytical Zone, and Languages Spoken.
|-
|align = "center"|VOLUME Number
|align = "center"|ANALYTICAL ZONE
|align = "center"|LANGUAGE
|align = "center"|NUMBER OF REGIONS

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_2|2]]
|align = "center"|Northwest
|align = "center"|Wiyot/Yurok Athabascan Karok Takelman
|align = "center"|37

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_3|3]]
|align = "center"|North
|align = "center"|Shastan, Chimariko Wintu and Nomlaki Yana
|align = "center"|48

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_4|4]]
|align = "center"|Northeast
|align = "center"|Modoc Mountain Maidu Numic Pit River Washoe
|align = "center"|28

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_5|5]]
|align = "center"|North Coast Ranges
|align = "center"|Lake Miwok Pomo Wappo Yuki
|align = "center"|59

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_6|6]]
|align = "center"|Middle Sacramento Valley
|align = "center"|Northwest Maidu and Nisenan Maidu Patwin Wintuan Bay Miwok, Coast Miwok Northern Ohlone
|align = "center"|66

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_7|7]]
|align = "center"|Bay Area
|align = "center"|Patwin Wintuan Bay Miwok, Coast Miwok Northern Ohlone
|align = "center"|56

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_8|8]]
|align = "center"|Delta-North San Joaquin
|align = "center"|Plains Miwok and Sierra Miwok Delta Yokuts
|align = "center"|54

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_9|9]]]
|align = "center"|South San Joaquin
|align = "center"|Mono Numic Tubatulabal Yokuts
|align = "center"|56

|-
|align = "center"|'''10'''
|align = "center"|'''South Coast Ranges'''
|align = "center"|'''Northern Chumash Esselen Ohlone Salinan'''
|align = "center"|'''56'''

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_11|11]]
|align = "center"|Santa Barbara Channel
|align = "center"|Chumash 
|align = "center"|68

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_12|12]]
|align = "center"|Los Angeles Vicinity
|align = "center"|Takic
|align = "center"|58

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_13|13]]
|align = "center"|Southeast
|align = "center"|Numic Takic
|align = "center"|45

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_14|14]]
|align = "center"|South
|align = "center"|Yuman
|align = "center"|20

|-
|align = "center"|[[VOLUME_15|15]]
|align = "center"|Colorado River
|align = "center"|Yuman
|align = "center"|13

|-
|align = "right" colspan="3"|Total
|align = "center"|663

|}

==Introduction: South Coast Ranges Zone Ethnogeography==
'''Southern Ohlone, Esselen, Salinan, and Northern Chumash''' 
''By Randall Milliken''

The South Coast Ranges analytical zone stretches along the California coast from Monterey Bay to San Luis Obispo Bay. It includes all inland valleys of the Coast Range eastward to the edge of the San Joaquin Valley. The languages of the core area of the South Coast Ranges were Salinan and Esselen. Northern Chumash was spoken at the south end of the zone around San Luis Obispo and Morro bays, while a cluster of related Ohlone-Costanoan languages were spoken at its north end, on Monterey Bay and to its east. The people of this entire area were removed to Franciscan missions between 1771 and 1810, four generations before the arrival of C. Hart Merriam, A. L. Kroeber, and J. P. Harrington.

The ethnogeography of the South Coast Ranges zone is more poorly-documented than that of all but one of the other 13 CDM zones; the exception is the largely-undocumented Colorado River zone. In a way the zone does form a distinct ethnographic area. It lies to the south of the fairly dense array of tribelet groups around San Francisco Bay and to the north of the highly-populated core Chumash area of the Santa Barbara Channel. With fairly light, but variable, population densities in the one-to-three people per square mile range, political organization varied from a few tribelets around Monterey Bay, to loose communities in most areas, to some inland dry areas with small mobile bands identified under cover terms such as Chalon and Cholam.

We are almost totally reliant upon the clues imbedded in the Franciscan mission registers to systematically reconstruct the ethnogeography of the South Coast Ranges. A number of studies since 1980 have begun that effort. The best current overview for the zone is ''Ethnogeography of the South Coast Ranges, with Special Attention to Priest Valley, Monterey County'' (Milliken 2006a). The findings in that study could inform the development of this CDM zone monograph. As it is, this monograph has not been built. It does, however, conclude with a comprehensive bibliography of South Coast Range ethnogeographic materials.

===Linguistic Groups===
Ohlone-Costanoan: Awaswas, Mutsun, Rumsen, and Chalon languages

===Western Disruption===
Finished by 1810

===Field Ethnography===
Merriam and Harrington each gathered the names of villages and the languages of small family groups, albeit unsystematically.

===Types of Landholding Groups===
Tribelets: Rumsen of Carmel River, Calendaruc of Monterey Bay, Ensen of lower Salinas Valley, Mutsun of San Juan Bautista.

Loose Communities: numerous Esselen groups, Santa Cruz Mountains Awaswas-speaking groups, Salinan areas west of the Salinas River.

Independent Hamlets: mobile bands of the interior Coast Ranges, for instance Chalon of upper San Benito River and Cholam of areas east of San Miguel. Also numerous small semi-sedentary villages around Morro and San Luis Obispo bays.

===Mapping Approaches and Constraints===
[[File:Vol10-fig1.png|200px|thumb|right|Figure 1. South Coast Ranges Analytical Zone with Regions.
]]The Priest Valley study (Milliken 2006a) documents very tentative geographic reconstructions from a body of quite opaque data.

==Regions==
* [[LITTLE PANOCHE REGION|Little Panoche]]
* [[CANTUA CREEK REGION|Cantua Creek]]
* [[SAN BENITO MOUNTAIN REGION|San Benito Mountain]]
* [[COALINGA REGION|Coalinga]]
* [[MCKITTRICK REGION|McKittrick]]
* [[PALO PRIETO REGION|Palo Prieto]]
* [[PRIEST VALLEY REGION|Priest Valley]]
* [[WARTHAM CREEK REGION|Wartham Creek]]
* [[KETTLEMAN PLAIN REGION|Kettleman Plain]]
* [[PYRAMID HILLS REGION|Pyramid Hills]]
* [[SILVER CREEK REGION|Silver Creek]]

==Bibliography==
Cook, Sherburne F.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1974
|The Esselen: Territory, Villages, and Population. '' Quarterly of the Monterey County Archaeological Society ''3(2). Carmel, CA.

|-
| 
|1976
|''The Population of the California Indians 1769-1970''. University of California Press, Berkeley.

|}

Farris, Glenn.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|2000
|Salinan and Northern Chumash Ethnogeography in San Luis Obispo and Northern Santa Barbara Counties elicited from Mexican Land Grant Records''. ''In ''A Line Through the Past: Historical and Ethnographic Background for the Branch Canal'', San Luis Obispo.

|}

Gayton, Anna H.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1930
|''Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans''. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 24(3):239-251.

|-
| 
|1945
|Yokuts and Western Mono Social Organization. ''American Anthropologist'' 47(3):409-426.

|}

Geiger, Maynard, and Clement W. Meighan

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1976
|''As the Padres Saw Them: California Indian Life and Customs as Reported by the Franciscan Missionaries, 1813-1815.'' Santa Barbara Mission Archive Library, distributed by A. H. Clark Co., Glendale, California.

|}

Gibson, Robert O.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1983
|Ethnogeography of the Salinan People: A Systems Approach. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, California State University, Hayward.

|}

Grant, Campbell

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1978
|Chumash: Introduction''. ''In ''California'', edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 505-508. Handbook of North American Indians 8, William C. Sturtevant. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.

|}

Greenwood, Roberta S.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1978
|Obispeño and Purisimeño Chumash''. ''In ''California'', edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 520-523. Handbook of North American Indians 8, William C. Sturtevant. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.

|}

Harrington, John Peabody

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1985
|''Salinan''. The Papers of John Peabody Harrington in the Smithsonian Institution, volume 2, Northern and Central California, reels 84-88, edited by Elaine L. Mills. Kraus International Publications microfilm edition of papers on file at the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.

|}

Heizer, Robert F.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1966
|''Languages, Territories, and Names of California Indian Tribes''. University of California Press, Berkeley.

|}

Hester, Thomas R.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1978a
|Esselen. In ''California'', edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 496-500. Handbook of North American Indians, volume 8, W. C. Sturtevant, general editor, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.

|-
| 
|1978b
|Salinan. In ''California'', edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 500-504. Handbook of North American Indians, volume 8, W. C. Sturtevant, general editor, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.

|}

Horne, Stephen P.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1981
|''The Inland Chumash: Ethnography, Ethnohistory, and Archaeology.'' Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara.

|}

Johnson, John R.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1988
|''Chumash Social Organization: An Ethnohistoric Perspective''. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara.

|}

King, Chester A.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1969
|''Map 1: Approximate 1760 Chumash Village Locations and Populations''. University of California Archaeological Survey Annual Report 11:3-4.

|-
| 
|1973
|Appendix I: Documentation of Tribelet Boundaries, Locations and Sizes, Extracted from San Juan Bautista Mission Records''. ''In ''Archaeological Impact Evaluation: San Felipe Division, Central Valley Project. Part I: The Southern Santa Clara Valley, California'', edited by Thomas King and Pat Hickman. On file, Northwest Information Center, Sonoma State University, Rohnert Park, California,

|-
| 
|1974
|Appendix 2: Northern Santa Clara Ethnography''. ''In ''Environmental Impact Report: San Felipe Water Distribution Systems'', edited by Thomas King and Gary Berg, Environmental Science Associates. Submitted to Santa Clara Valley Water District, Santa Clara, California.

|-
| 
|1975
|The Names and Locations of Historic Chumash Villages. ''The Journal of California Anthropology'' 2:171-179.

|-
| 
|1984
|Appendix I: Ethnohistoric Background''. ''In ''Archaeological Investigations on the San Antonio Terrace, Vandenberg Air Force Base, California, in Connection with MX Facilities Construction'', edited by Michael A. Glassow, Chambers Consultants and Planners, Santa Anna, California. Submitted to the US Army Corps of Engineers, Los Angeles District.

|-
| 
|1994
|Central Ohlone Ethnohistory''. ''In ''The Ohlone Past and Present: Native Americans of the San Francisco Bay Region'', edited by Lowell John Bean, pp. 183-202. Ballena Press Anthropological Papers 42, Sylvia Brakke Vane.

|-
| 
|2004
|Ethnography of the Chumash''. ''In ''Ethnographic Overview of the Los Padres National Forest'', edited by Gary Breschini, Trudy Haversat, Chester King, and Randall Milliken, pp. 206-285. Northwest Economic Associates. Submitted to US Department of Agriculture, Southern California Province, Angeles National Forest, Arcadia, California.

|}

King, Thomas F., and Patricia P. Hickman

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1973
|''Archaeological Impact Evaluation: San Felipe Division, Central Valley Project. Part I The Southern Santa Clara Valley, California: A General Plan for Archaeology''. Submitted to US Department of Interior, National Park Service, and the Frederick Burk Foundation, California State University, San Francisco. On file, Northwest Information Center, California Resources Survey, Sonoma State University, Rohnert Park, California.

|}

Kroeber, Alfred L.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1925
|''Handbook of the Indians of California''. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 78. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC. (Reprinted by Dover Publications, New York, 1976.)

|}

Latta, Frank

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1949
|''The Handbook of the Yokuts Indians''. Bear State Books, Oildale, California.

|}

Levy, Richard

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1978
|Costanoan. In ''California'', edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 485-495. Handbook of North American Indians, volume 8, W. C. Sturtevant, general editor, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.

|}

Mason, J. Alden

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1912
|''The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians''. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 10(4):97-240.

|-
| 
|1918
|The Language of the Salinan Indians. ''University of California Publications in American Archaeology and ethnology ''14(1):1-154. Berkeley.

|}

McLendon, Sally, and John R. Johnson

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1999
|''Cultural Affiliation and Lineal Descent of Chumash Peoples in the Channel Islands and the Santa Monica Mountains: Volumes I and II''. Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History, Santa Barbara, and Hunter College, City University of New York. Submitted to the Archeology and Ethnography Program, National Park Service, Washington, DC.

|}

Merriam, C. Hart

1898-1938 The California Journals of C. Hart Merriam. Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1955
|California Mission Baptismal Records''. ''In ''Studies in California Indians'', pp. 188-225. University of California Press, Berkeley.

|-
| 
|1967
|Ethnographic Notes on Central California Indian Tribes. Robert F. Heizer, editor. ''University of California Archaeological Survey Reports'', No. 68(3). Berkeley.

|-
| 
|1968
|''Village Names in Twelve California Mission Records''. University of California Archaeological Survey Reports 74.

|-
| 
|1970
|''Indian Rancherias in Four Mission Records''. Contributions of the Archaeological Research Facility University of California 9:29-58.

|}

Milliken, Randall

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1987
|''Rumsen Ethnohistory''. Papers in Northern California Anthropology 2. Northern California Anthropological Association. Coyote Press, Salinas, California.

|-
| 
|1990
|''Ethnogeography and Ethnohistory of the Big Sur District, California State Park System, during the 1770-1810 Time Period''. University of California, Berkeley. Submitted to State of California Department of Parks and Recreation, under Agreement No. 48279021.

|-
| 
|1993
|Tribal Political Geography''. ''In ''Archaeological Test Excavations at Fourteen Sites along Highways 101 and 152, Santa Clara and San Benito Counties, California: Volume 2'', Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc., Davis, California. Submitted to the California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland,

|-
| 
|1994
|The Costanoan-Yokuts Language Boundary in the Contact Period''. ''In ''The Ohlone Past and Present: Native Americans of the San Francisco Bay Region'', edited by Lowell John Bean, pp. 165-182. Ballena Press Anthropological Papers 42, Sylvia Brakke Vane.

|-
| 
|1995
|''A Time of Little Choice: The Disintegration of Tribal Culture in the San Francisco Bay Area 1769-1810''. Ballena Press Anthropological Papers 43. Ballena Press, Berkeley.

|-
| 
|2002
|The Spanish Contact and Mission Period Indians of the Santa Cruz-Monterey Bay Region''. ''In ''Gathering of Voices: The Native People of the Central California Coast'', pp. 25-36. Santa Cruz County History Journal 5, Museum of Art and History, Santa Cruz, California.

|-
| 
|2006a
|''Ethnogeography of the South Coast Ranges, with Special Attention to Priest Valley, Monterey County''. Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc., Davis, California. Submitted to California Department of Transportation, District 5, San Luis Obispo, California.

|-
| 
|2006b
|The Central California Ethnographic Community Distribution Model, Version 2.0, with Special Attention to the San Francisco Bay Area. Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc., Davis, California. Submitted to California Department of Transportation, District 5, San Luis Obispo, California.

|}

Milliken, Randall, and John R. Johnson

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|2005
|''Salinan and Northern Chumash Communities of the Early Mission Period''. Far Western Anthropological and Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History. On file, California Department of Transportation, District 5, San Luis Obispo.

|}

Priestley, Herbert Ingram

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1937
|''A Historical, Political, and Natural Description of California by Pedro Fages, Soldier of Spain'', translated by Herbert Ingram Priestley. University of California Press, Berkeley.

|}

Wallace, William J.

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1978
|Southern Valley Yokuts. In ''California'' (ed. R. F. Heizer), pp. 448-461. Handbook of North American Indians, William C. Sturtevant, general editor, vol. 8. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

|}

Wollesen, Olive

{|border="0" cellspacing="2" width="100%"
| 
|1972
|The Aboriginal Salinan Indians. Lockwood, California: Privately Printed.

|}

[[Category:Volume]][[Category:Volume 10]]

User talk:Paul

2010-09-07T23:32:57Z

Paul:

Here's an example of a peer reviewed wiki:
[http://news.stanford.edu/news/2010/september/encyclopedia-philosophy-090710.html Article]
[http://plato.stanford.edu/ Wiki]

I think we need to create a mission statement.

I also think we need to lay out some ground rules prior to providing access.
[http://opengeodata.org/enough-is-enough-disinfecting-osm-from-poison?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+Opengeodata+%28OpenGeoData%29 See this]

Summary of the poisonous people talk:

comprehension - understand the problem of poisonous people
*you need to protect the attention focus of community - limited amount of time
*poisonous people
*distract
*emotionally drain
*cause needless infighting
*slow you down
*either on purpose on by accident

fortification - protect project from poisonous people
*in a project you need politeness, respect, humility, trust
*have a mission, with examples
*have a scope, limit the mission
*do not let people reopen old discussions
*don't reply to _every_ message in a thread, summarise
*poisnous people derail discussion:
"it's a technique that poisonous people can use to derail a consensus-based
community from actually achieving consensus. You have this noisy minority
make a lot of noise and people look and say 'oh wow there is no agreement
on this' and if you look carefull the 'no agreement' comes from one person
while seven or eight people actually agree"
*document your projects history for future use to point people to
*have code collaboration guidelines
*email review, reasonably sized patches
*increase the bus factor so if someone drops out, others can take over
*have well defined processes for
*releasing software
*test / release cycles
*admitting new core people
*voting is a last resort in a healthy community
*everything else should be tried before a vote

identification - who are the poisonous people?
*it's usually obvious who will suck and drain your time
*usually use silly nicknames
*use CAPITAL LETTERS, !!!?!?!one!!, WTFLOLOMG
*hostility, demands help, blackmail, rile people deliberately
*accusations of conspiracy
*conceit, refuse to acknowledge arguments
*sweeping claims, reopen topics continuously
*lack of cooperation

disinfection - removing the poisonous people
*assess the damage
*how are they affecting your attention and focus?
*are they distracting / paralysing the project?
_dont_
*feed the troll
*give jerks a purpose/purchase
*get emotional (stick to the facts)
_do_
*pay attention to newcomers, even if annoying
*look for the fact under the emotion
*extract real bug report / action
*know when to give up and ignore
*know when to boot from community

User talk:Paul

2010-08-17T22:51:00Z

Paul: New page: I think we need to create a mission statement. I also think we need to lay out some ground rules prior to providing access. http://opengeodata.org/enough-is-enough-disinfecting-osm-from-p...

I think we need to create a mission statement.

I also think we need to lay out some ground rules prior to providing access.
http://opengeodata.org/enough-is-enough-disinfecting-osm-from-poison?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+Opengeodata+%28OpenGeoData%29

Summary of the poisonous people talk:

comprehension - understand the problem of poisonous people
*you need to protect the attention focus of community - limited amount of time
*poisonous people
*distract
*emotionally drain
*cause needless infighting
*slow you down
*either on purpose on by accident

fortification - protect project from poisonous people
*in a project you need politeness, respect, humility, trust
*have a mission, with examples
*have a scope, limit the mission
*do not let people reopen old discussions
*don't reply to _every_ message in a thread, summarise
*poisnous people derail discussion:
"it's a technique that poisonous people can use to derail a consensus-based
community from actually achieving consensus. You have this noisy minority
make a lot of noise and people look and say 'oh wow there is no agreement
on this' and if you look carefull the 'no agreement' comes from one person
while seven or eight people actually agree"
*document your projects history for future use to point people to
*have code collaboration guidelines
*email review, reasonably sized patches
*increase the bus factor so if someone drops out, others can take over
*have well defined processes for
*releasing software
*test / release cycles
*admitting new core people
*voting is a last resort in a healthy community
*everything else should be tried before a vote

identification - who are the poisonous people?
*it's usually obvious who will suck and drain your time
*usually use silly nicknames
*use CAPITAL LETTERS, !!!?!?!one!!, WTFLOLOMG
*hostility, demands help, blackmail, rile people deliberately
*accusations of conspiracy
*conceit, refuse to acknowledge arguments
*sweeping claims, reopen topics continuously
*lack of cooperation

disinfection - removing the poisonous people
*assess the damage
*how are they affecting your attention and focus?
*are they distracting / paralysing the project?
_dont_
*feed the troll
*give jerks a purpose/purchase
*get emotional (stick to the facts)
_do_
*pay attention to newcomers, even if annoying
*look for the fact under the emotion
*extract real bug report / action
*know when to give up and ignore
*know when to boot from community

User:Paul

2010-08-17T22:45:58Z

Paul: New page: Paul Brandy GIS Coordinator Far Western Anthropological Research Group

Paul Brandy

GIS Coordinator
Far Western Anthropological Research Group

SANTA RITA REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:07Z

Paul: 1 revision

=SANTA RITA REGION – NOPCHINCHE LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Santa_Rita1.png|right]]The Santa Rita region was the homeland of the Nopchinche local tribe, Northern Valley Yokuts speakers, at the time of Spanish contact. (Today the region lies in Madera and Fresno counties and is the location of the modern towns of Dos Palos and Santa Rita Park.) The Nopchinche homeland is located with a good amount of confidence on the basis of mission register marriage pattern analysis (an indirect technique) and statements by the diarists of the 1806 Moraga-Muñoz expedition and 1815 Pico expedition (a direct technique). The Moraga-Muñoz expedition visited the Nopchinches in September of 1806 and were well-received by Choley, their chief. Pico visited a Nopchinche village in November of 1815, found the place abandoned, and learned that the group had fled because they were harboring fugitive Christian Indians. The Nopchinche moved to the missions (primarily San Juan Bautista) during the 1817-1822 period. Missionary linguist Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta ([1810-1819]) wrote a Nopchinche grammar, the only detailed linguistic documentation for any Northern Valley Yokuts dialect. Nopchinche survivors at the end of the Mission Period were integrated members of the San Juan Bautista Mission Indian community. Mission San Juan Bautista descendants with Nopchinche ancestors may be alive today, but none are known to have proclaimed themselves as such.

==Environment==
The Santa Rita region is a flat plain in the heart of the San Joaquin Valley. Elevation varies minimally, within the 100-140 ft. range. In this region the north-flowing San Joaquin River is braided out into a number of distributaries; the main river during early fall low flows probably jumped back and forth among those distributaries from one year to the next. Additional Sierran waters join the San Joaquin River in the eastern portion of the region, in the form of the Chowchilla and Fresno rivers. Native vegetation was grassland and freshwater marsh, with willow thickets and occasional cottonwood trees along the river and slough channels within the region.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
''Moraga-Muñoz 1806''. The Moraga-Muñoz expedition arrived in the general Santa Rita Park/Dos Palos area on September 23, 1806, having traveled east from Los Banos Creek:

:We stopped at a spot, previously discovered, called Santa Rita. Here camp was established, so that in going out from it new discoveries could be made… This area is somewhat saline and very heavily covered with green vegetation at this season. In all this region there are very numerous bands of deer and antelope… There are also great tule swamps in all this region and much black willow along this stream (Muñoz in Cook 1960:248).

The party explored southward the next day, visiting an empty village, probably an Eyulahua Yokuts village in the Firebaugh region. From Dos Palos they moved east to the San Joaquin River on September 25:

:In the afternoon of this day forty-two warriors came to our camp and showed themselves to be friendly… Taking advantage of our good faith and confidence, they remained in the camp all night, receiving also refreshment from us and admiring exceedingly our clothing and ornaments [Muñoz in Cook 1960:248].

The Spaniards traveled generally northward for three leagues the next day, September 26, 1806, and arrived at a Nopchinche village:

:It was situated on the other [east] side of the river, hidden among some willow trees. It is called Nupchenche and may have 250 souls, more or less, under their chief called Choley. The reception they gave us was as follows. There came out a very old woman, who sprinkled us with seeds. Emerging at the same time, the chiefs led us to the interior of the village where between intertwined willow trees they had stretched out some mats and deerskins for our reception. On these they placed an abundance of their food, with two very white loaves of a seed which resembles our rice [Muñoz in Cook 1960:248].

That Nopchinche village may have been at the confluence of the Chowchilla and San Joaquin rivers. (See “Mission Register References” below for a note on the baptism of Captain Choley at Santa Cruz in 1817). On the next day the Spanish party moved north out of the area, across the El Nido region, and on to the Atwater region.

''Pico 1815''. José Dolores Pico led a punitive raid into the San Joaquin Valley from the Monterey Presidio in November of 1815. Pico was told about conditions at the Nopchinche village by Chaneche Yokuts they captured in either the Los Banos or Mud Slough region on November 8, 1815:

:These heathen told me that at a distance of four leagues up the River San Joaquin from this village there was another village called Nopchenches, which had many horses, and at which were to be found the Christian fugitives Justo, Damian, Severo, and Pedro Pablo. I sent Corporal Juarez with fourteen men to arrest the said Christians and heathen, and bring back the horses which they said were to be found there.

:Reaching the village, he entered it, but no people remained except the chief and four of his companions. The corporal charged him with [concealing] the Christians and the horses which had been there. To this he replied that the Christians, together with all his people, as soon as they heard the noise of the troops going to the other village, had fled to the swamps and that he and the other with him alone remained [Pico in Cook 1960:268].

''Estudillo 1819''. The Estudillo punitive expedition passed north along the San Joaquin River from the Mendota region on November 6, 1819, and camped that night somewhere in the Santa Rita region. They continued north to the Mud Slough region the next day, in hopes of finding and attacking fugitive Chaneche Yokuts (Estudillo in Gayton 1936:81-82). Although the expedition text does not mention the Nopchinches, an accompanying sketch map shows the Chowchilla River as the Nopchenches River (Savage Documents, Volume 2, page 216, The Bancroft Library).

==Mission Register References==
A total of 151 Nopchinches are currently identifiable as having been baptized at Franciscan missions--134 at San Juan Bautista, 15 at Santa Cruz, and two at San Carlos Borromeo. Also, a few Soledad converts listed only as “Tulares” people may have come from the Nopchinche group.

''San Juan Bautista''. A total of 134 Nopchinches (alternatively spelled Nopthrinthre; also “Nopchinche en los Tulares” and “casta o rancheria de Nopchinche") were baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista. First, in July of 1817, came a single young man who was stated to be a relative of a Teilamene man who had been baptized years earlier (probably a Quihueths Yokuts of the Oro Loma region (SJB-B 2183, 1965). The great majority of the Nopchinches were baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista between June 1819 and July 1820. Captain Uttoi was baptized as Anatolio on June 12, 1820, and Second Captain Juyunuul was baptized as Nono the next day (SJB-B 2447, 2481). The last Nopchinche baptisms at San Juan Bautista, on March 1, 1823, were of older women said to be in their 70s (SJB-B 3300-3302).

''Santa Cruz''. At Mission Santa Cruz 15 people were baptized under the group name Xagim (alternatively Sagim, Sagin, Saajama, and possibly Xaguanaco), one in 1804 and the other 14 between 1817 and 1821. The first of the 1817 Santa Cruz converts from Xagim was Captain Leon Cholé, age 45 (SCR-B 1683 by Fr. Escudé on April 5, 1817); undoubtedly he was the “Captain Choley” of the 1806 Moraga-Muñiz expedition. The Xagim equivalency to Nopchinche is seen in Arroyo’s 1822-1823 Padron for Mission San Juan Bautista, which includes four of the Santa Cruz Xagims, re-aggregated to San Juan Bautista, among the Nopchinches there. The probable last Nopchinche convert at Mission Santa Cruz--a woman identified as a “Xaguanaco”—was baptized on September 30, 1824 (SCR-B 2065 by Father Gil).

''San Carlos Borromeo''. Two Nopchinche individuals appear in the Mission San Carlos Borromeo baptismal register. The first, an individual called “Gaspar Baltasar Melchor”, aged 55, was baptized on the verge of death at the Monterey Presidio guardhouse on January 25, 1816; the baptismal entry says he was “taken in the last expedition under Sergeant Pico, he was of the Rancheria Nonchech” and his death register entry indicates he died on January 25, 1816 (SCA-B 2982 by Fr. Sarría; SCA-D 2156). The second Nopchinche baptized at San Carlos Borromeo was a one-year old, the son of a couple baptized in later years at Mission San Juan Bautista; the entry states “a son of a gentil Tulareña mother of the same Nopchinche rancheria called Caassamis, and the non-Christian Onouezuguis, son of a Christian at Mission Santa Cruz called _[blank]_ of the Notoals, according to what I have been able to determine” (SCA-B 3126 on June 7, 1819 by Fr. Sarría).

''Soledad''. Two of the Mission San Juan Bautista Nopchinches later re-aggregated to Mission Soledad, according to notes in Arroyo’s 1822 Padron. They were Gervasia (SJB-B 2300) and her mother Rufina (SJB-2354). At Soledad, Rufina married Mariano Oscosuc of the Cothsmejait, a poorly-documented group that may have come from the CPNC Hilmar region on the lower Merced River (SO-M 583). There were probably other Nopchinches among the numerous people baptized at Soledad merely as people of the “Tular.”

''Mission Marriage patterns''. Nopchinches who went to the missions had a number of pre-mission marriages that were renewed and documented in the mission registers. Links to neighbors shown by these marriages were as follows:

::Internal 23
::Eyulahua 3
::Chausila 2
::Copcha 1
::Notoaliths 1
::Chanech 1

Nopchinche post-baptism marriages were primarily with people from other Yokuts-speaking groups, including Uthrocos from the El Nido region (5), Chausila from the Dairyland region (5), Eyulahuas from the Firebaugh region (3), Heuchi from the Madera region (2), Chaneche from the Los Banos region (2), Quithrathre from the Atwater region (1), Notoaliths from the Mud Slough region (1), and Teilamne from the Oro Loma region (1). A few post-baptism marriages were with Coast Range-based Ohlone/Costanoan speakers, including members of the Ausaima (2), Orestac/Tamarox (2), and Guacharron (1) groups.

''Arroyo’s 1822-1823 Padron''. The Nopchinche was the first group listed in Father Arroyo de la Cuesta’s 1822 padron. In its preamble he wrote, “First will be the Nopthrinthre nation with whom I do so much work.” Then in the text introduction to the group, he wrote “As of today, 24 June of 1822, I list, 131 in all, the following Nopthrinthres [then follows the list] … which lists all the people of this nation, who were the first that were baptized, and whom I defended ''viribus et ar[unus?]'' at Carmel in 1819." Later in the 1822 padron they are again mentioned in relation to the Uthrocos, the sixth group listed: “Padron of the Uthrocos Nation … very great friends of the Nopthrinthre who remained away from the mission initially."

''Arroyo’s Linguistics Notebook''. Among the many items in Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta’s linguistics notebook was a “Nopchinche” grammar from which Kroeber (1959) extracted elements. Madison S. Beeler (1971) later published grammatical observations, with translations of most of Arroyo’s textual material.

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
''Pico 1826''. Sergeant José Dolores Pico led a Mexican army expedition against horse thieves and fugitive Christians in the central San Joaquin Valley during the winter of 1825-1826. From Mission San Juan Bautista he came over Pacheco Pass to the Los Banos vicinity. On January 1, 1826 he continued generally to the east:

:I arranged to send two guides on ahead to scout whether there were any fishermen in the swamps and lakes and get accurate information. Having done this … I followed my route to the east and penetrated into the interior of the tule swamps … We traveled about 9 leagues [Pico in Cook 1962:181].

Camp was probably made in the Dos Palos vicinity. The next day, January 2, the party left the Santa Rita region without encountering any tribal people there. They continued for 6 leagues in an “easterly” direction and came upon a village “on the San Joaquin River … at which the previous day some heathen Indians had arrived,” a village almost certainly in the Firebaugh region. (See CPNC Firebaugh region monograph for details of interactions that day.)

''Smith 1827''. Jedediah Smith probably passed through the Santa Rita region in March of 1827, on his way north from San Bernardino to the Stanislaus River with scores of trappers and more than 100 horses. In his diary review, he noted the absence of Indian people in a stretch of land that included the region:

:Since I struck the Peticutry [San Joaquin River] I had seen but few indians. The greater part of those that once resided here having (as I have since been told) gone in to the Missions of St. Joseph and Santa Clara [Smith in Brooks 1977:146].

This brief comment supports the mission register evidence which suggest that most of the lowland people along the San Joaquin River had moved to the missions, and the remainder had retired to the east to join groups such as the Hoyima, Heuchi, and Thrayapthre/Chausila.

==1846-1910 Historic References==
The Nopchinche disappeared as a cultural unit during the mission period. They did not participate in the 1851 treaties, nor were they encountered by any middle or late nineteenth-century travelers.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber (1925?) did not map any local tribes or villages within the land here assigned to the Santa Rita region. He had heard of the Nopchinche, probably from one or another of the mission register rancheria lists published at earlier times. He discussed them among the tribes of the northern group of his valley division, stating “There are known in this region the Nupchinche or Noptinte, not located” (Kroeber 1925:486, plates 1, 47).

''Latta 1949''. Latta did not mention the Nopchinche at all in his 1949 work. His map in that work gives the Santa Rita region to his Kahwatchwah group. He interpreted his consultant information to indicate that the Kahwatchwah roamed the valley west of the San Joaquin River from Los Banos south to Mendota.

==Recent Ethnographic Studies==
''Cook 1955''. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley, Cook (1955:76) mapped the Santa Rita region, together with the adjoining Mud Slough region to the north and Firebaugh region to the south, as lands of the “Nupchenches.” In text, he emphasized the Nopchinche as an important early group along the San Joaquin River:

:The Nupchenches, although they are merely mentioned as a possible tribe by Kroeber (Handbook, p. 485) and are doubtfully recorded by Schenck (1926), occupied an important position in the early nineteenth century. Indeed, the failure of Kroeber and Schenck to consider them seriously makes it necessary to set forth in some detail the information about them contained in the Spanish reports [Cook 1955:51].

Cook then cited Moraga and Pico regarding their visits among the Nopchinche. From the various diaries, Cook built a picture of six “rancherias” from north to south, Cheneches, Malim, Nopchinche, Cutucho, and Copicha, placed by CPNC in the Los Banos, Gustine, Santa Rita, Mendota, and Firebaugh regions respectively. He estimated the population from diary clues, but emphasized the early destruction of populations in the vicinity:

:On the basis of the records presented, a probable population value for the valley floor between the Merced and the Kings rivers in the decade 1810-1820 was 5,100. But this may well be an underestimate and be representative of the aboriginal population. Evidence pointing in this direction is the almost complete obliteration of these tribes before 1850 [Cook 1955:52].

He concluded with an estimate of 5.05 people per square mile on the San Joaquin valley plain between the Mariposa and San Joaquin rivers, using a variety of comparative sources and logical approaches (Cook 1955:52-54).

''Latta 1977''. In his 1977 edition, Latta added brief unhelpful mention of the “Nopthrinthres Yokuts of San Juan Bautista” as part of his commentary on “Padre Arroyo’s Records” (Latta 1977:265).

''Wallace 1978''. The California volume (Wallace 1978) divided Yokuts groups into Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill, in order to discuss the large Yokuts language territory in three conveniently-sized chapters. The Santa Rita region is mapped in the Northern Valley chapter, with the “Nopchinchi” shown along the San Joaquin River from the Chowchilla River south to Firebaugh (Wallace 1978:462). In text, Wallace (1978: 470) incorrectly considered Nopchinche (the Santa Rita region local tribe) to have been some sort of super-tribe, subsuming some of the other middle San Joaquin River local tribes. Overall, Wallace’s (1978) presentation of ethnogeographic information for his Northern Valley Yokuts area was uneven and unsystematic.

NIPINNAWASSEE REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:07Z

Paul: 1 revision

=NIPINNAWASSEE REGION - POHONICHI LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Nipinnawasse1.png|right]]The Pohonichi, the most southeasterly Sierra Miwok-speaking group at the time of western intrusion, are well-documented as inhabitants of the portion of Mariposa and Madera counties that we label the Nipinnawassee region. Today a few tiny towns dot that Sierran region, including Ahwahnee, Usona, and Nipinnawassee itself. The Pohonichi first appear in the historic record at the time of the Mariposa Indian War. At its conclusion they were among the signatories to the 1851 Treaty N. In 1872 Stephen Powers learned that they were the “easternmost” of the Sierra Miwok groups. There is little doubt that many of them were bilingual Southern Sierra Miwok-Northern Foothill Yokuts speakers, living as they did between the unequivocal Miwok speakers of the Mariposa region to their northwest and the unequivocal Yokuts speakers of the Coarse Gold region to their southeast. By 1908 the Nippinnawassee region people no longer identified themselves as Pohonichi, according to Barrett; instead, they identified as Chowchilla Miwoks and were considered to be part of a single group with their Miwok neighbors in the adjacent Mariposa region to the northwest. Because the Pohonichi were forced to live at the Fresno River Reservation during the 1850s it is possible that some of today’s Indian people of Mariposa, Madera, and Fresno counties are partially descended from them.

==Environment==
[[Image:Nipinnawassee_Photo1.jpg|thumb|200px|left|Photo of Nipinnawassee Region along Route 41]]The Nipinnawassee region lies in the middle and upper Sierra foothills. The lowest elevation is just below 800 feet where the Chowchilla River crosses the western border. The highest elevation, 4,000 feet, defines the eastern boundary with higher Sierran summer land use areas. Branches of the Chowchilla River run through the central and western portion of the region. The upper Fresno River drains the eastern portion of the region in the vicinity of the towns of Nipinnawassee and Ahwahnee. Natural vegetation is foothill blue oak-grey pine woodland in the western, southern, and central portions of the region. Interior live oak woodland predominates in the north-central area (the Ahwahnee and Usona vicinities), while yellow pine forest dominates the highest northeastern ridges. Of special note is a large stand of black oak woodland between Usona and Ahwahnee in the watershed of the East Fork of the Chowchilla River.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
No Spanish Period expeditions are known to have entered the Nipinnawassee region.

==Mission Register References==
Although the Nipinnawassee region lies to the east of the mission outreach area, two Pohonichi individuals are recognized in mission baptismal record entries. In 1825 a young woman from “Pojenechtre” rancheria was baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista as part of a ten-person group led by a Chauchila Yokuts couple (JB-B 3534, by Arroyo de la Cuesta); she married a Nupchenche Yokuts man years later, in 1831 (JB-M 981). In 1826 a young “Pocheyche” woman was baptized with five young women from the eastern San Joaquin Valley at Mission Soledad (SO-B 2008, by Uria); she married Justo of the Chaneche Yokuts one week later. While no other definite Pohonichis were baptized, other individuals from the group may have been among the scores of people baptized during the 1820s and 1830s at central missions without homeland attribution.

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
No Mexican Period expeditions are known to have entered the Nipinnawassee region

==1840-1900 Historic References==
''Mariposa Indian War of 1851''. A regional uprising took place during 1850 and 1851 against invading gold miners and traders in the Chowchilla, Fresno, and San Joaquin river uplands (Mariposa, Nipinnawassee, Raymond, and Coarse Gold regions). The resisting groups seem to have been led by Chauchila Yokuts from the edge of the San Joaquin Valley, but the Pohonichis were one of the groups who were involved. Local Americans set up a militia at Mariposa which went into the mountains to find the resisting Indians. Documentation is unclear, but the upper portion of the Nipinawassee region may have been the site of one of the confrontations. (See the CPNC Le Grand region monograph for details and citations).

''Treaty N, 1851''. The “Po-ho-nee-chees” were among 16 local tribes of the upper Chowchilla, San Joaquin, and Kings rivers to sign federal Treaty N with U.S. commissioners, at a spot near the foothills on the San Joaquin River, on April 29, 1851 (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 2004:27, 30). Their signatories were Po-tol, Chee-ko, Mooch-cat-e, Ho-has-see, and Cow-wal. The commissioners divided the 16 signatory local tribes into three sections for purposes of future interactions. The Pohonichi were placed with the Chauchila Yokuts, Chukchansi Yokuts, Heuchi Yokuts and Nuchu Miwok in the northern group “which five tribes or bands acknowledge Nai-yak-qua as their principal chief” (Heizer 1972:72). Naiyakqua, a Heuchi Yokuts, is discussed in detail in the CPNC Madera region monograph.

''Fresno River Agency 1851-1859''. The headquarters of the initial Fresno River Reservation, founded in 1851, was on the Fresno River at the east edge of the Madera region. Office of Indian Affairs reports from the agency during the 1850s, now in the National Archives, have not been examined for this report. However, Cook (1955:71) paraphrased some of the relevant documents. Agent D. A. Enyart’s 1854 report listed groups “on the Fresno Farm”, including “30 Chowchilla, 220 Choot-chances, 90 Pohonicha, and 100 Potohanchi.” In 1855 agent M.B. Lewis listed 100 Pohonichi on the Fresno River in association with the Fresno Farm (in Phillips 2004:150). On August 30, 1859, M.B. Lewis listed “105 Po-ho-nee-chees … on the headwaters of the Fresno” (in Cook 1955:71; see also Phillips 2004:222).

''Powers 1877''. Powers named a number of Sierra Miwok groups. Those relevant to the Nipinnawassee region are “on the Upper Chowchilla River, the Heth-to’-ya; on the Middle Chowchilla, the Chau-chil’-la; on the north bank of the Fresno, the Po’-ho-ni-chi” (Powers 1977:349-350). This statement would seem to limit the Pohonichi to the eastern portion of the Nipinnawassee region (the upper Fresno River portion), and give the Chowchilla River drainage in the western portion to a separate Hethtoya group. However, Barrett (1908:348) later pointed out that Hethtoya was probably not a group name at all, but an equivalent to “hisotoko” or easterners.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Merriam 1902-1907''. C. Hart Merriam visited the Nipinnawassee region a number of times between 1902 and 1907. His field notes have been selectively published over the years. One excerpt describes his early visit to a village somewhere on the Chowchilla River:

:On September 19, 1902, I left Mariposa at 7 o’clock and reached Chowchilla hill (crossed the ridge, alt. 3000 feet) about 10:30. Descended a little—say a mile—and took a poor road to the right for about a mile … Walked 1½ miles along the north side of Chowchilla Canyon to an Indian camp and returned the same way.

:My visit to the Chowchilla Indian camp, though brief, was interesting. Two families lived there, both Mu’-wa (they call it Mew’-wa). Both men and one of the women were away gathering acorns, leaving one woman and three children at home … [Merriam 1967:329].

Merriam’s published notes further indicate that he continued on to visit another village, about one-half mile from the first, on the south side of the Chowchilla River canyon. There Merriam interviewed a “Chowchilla Mu’-wu” man and his “Chuck-chancy” wife. He commented that they had baskets from Sonora, Mono Lake, and “two or three handsome large bowls of the Tulare root and made by Chuck-chancys” (1967:330). Other Merriam notes indicate these two Chowchilla River villages were Nowach and Olwia, about five miles south of Indian Peak (discussed below).

In a 1907 report on the Sierra Miwok, Merriam (1907:346-347) listed five Southern Sierra Miwok villages that fall within our Nipinnawassee region: ''“Chow-chil-lah'', in Chowchilla canyon”; ''“Was-sa’-ma'', on Wassama creek near Ahwahne stage station”; ''“Hitch-a-wet-tah'', three miles above Wassama”; ''“Ah-pah’-sah'', at Fresno Flat (on north side of Fresno creek) [Kroeber’s Chukchansi Yokuts village of Hapasau]”; and ''“Wa-hil-to'', near Grub Gulch [Kroeber’s Wehilto].” He concluded that the Sierra Miwok were organized into local tribes, each with a set of minor villages that identified with one “first class” village.

:The villages of the first class are of much consequence; they are the places where the principal ceremonies are held; their names dominate the surrounding country and are used by the inhabitants of the adjacent minor villages—instead of their own local names—to designate the people and place to which they belong….

:But this is not all, for the name of a village of the first class is applied not only to the village itself, to its inhabitants, and to the inhabitants of the minor villages tributary to it, but also to a definite tract of country, often of considerable size, constituting the domain of the tribe [1907:343].

Merriam contributed to a long-standing confusion between the Miwok speakers of the upper Chowchilla River and the early historic-period Chauchila Yokuts of the San Joaquin Valley. He lumped the people of the Nipinnawassee region and Mariposa region into a single local tribe, the Chowchilla Miwok. He stated it more than once. In his 1907 publication he wrote:

:The Chowchilla subtribe – apparently the largest and most powerful division of the Southern Mewuk – claim the country from Fresno creek to and beyond Mariposa creek, and from the easternmost limit of the tribe westerly to a point a little west of ''No’-watch'' rancheria, which is about 2 miles south of Indian peak (about 5 miles from Grub Gulch) [Merriam 1907:346].

Elsewhere he wrote, “Chowchilla is the name used not only by the inhabitants of the rancheria of that name, but also by the people of all the villages of the Chowchilla-Mariposa region” (1967:341).

''Barrett 1908''. Barrett argued for the Fresno River as the Miwok-Yokuts boundary in the Sierra, with a small area of Miwok control on both sides of the river in the Fresno Flats area:

:[The Miwok boundary] …. follows the divide between the headwaters of San Joaquin and Merced rivers to the head of Fresno river. It then follows, in a general way, the course of this stream with its northeasterly and southwesterly trend down, at least, to a point a few miles west of Fresno Flat. Here it probably makes a slight swing to the south to include the vicinity of what was formerly known as Fresno Crossing, then returns to the river itself and continues down it to a point about due south of Raymond [1908a:348].

Barrett documented disagreement about the language spoken in the area of the town of Ahwahnee, but concluded that it had been Miwok:

:According to certain informants the boundary left the river here [at Ahwahnee] and ran for a short distance to the north, including Ahwahnee and vicinity in Yokuts territory. However, the bulk of the information obtained places Ahwahnee in Miwok territory and runs the boundary between the Miwok and Yokuts directly on Fresno river itself, except, as above mentioned, where it swings to the south to include the vicinity of Fresno Crossing, at which point it was asserted by both Miwok and Yokuts informants that the Miwok occupied both banks of the river for a few miles [1908a:348].

Barrett discussed the term “Po-ho-no-chi,” known to him only from Powers, and expressed doubt that it was a Miwok name:

:“Po-ho-no-chi,” which Powers gives as the name of the Miwok in the extreme south and which is at present quite commonly applied to them, particularly by the Yokuts to the south, may be a name not referable to Miwok origin. The term is apparently not used by any of the Miwok as a name for themselves, and the only derivation which could be obtained for it from them was that it comes from pōhō’nō, the name of Bridal Veil Falls in Yosemite valley, and tcī, an ending signifying location or origin [1908a:343].

Clearly, the term Pohonichi, in reference to a local tribe of the Nipinnawassee region, no longer had meaning to the Indian people with whom either Barrett or Meriam spoke. Barrett went on to note that the “tci” suffix is frequent on Southern Miwok placenames and is found on true tribal names among the Yokuts:

:While the Yokuts to the south were divided into forty or more small tribes, each occupying one or more villages and independent of all the remaining tribes, … inquiry failed to disclose any such condition among the Miwok. … There seems to be a total lack of anything resembling true tribal organization. Even a federation of villages does not appear to have existed. … In property rights also these villages were entirely independent, each having its own special territory … separated by certain landmarks from the territories of adjacent villages [1908a:344].

In fact, the “chi” suffix means “inhabitants of …” in the Yokuts languages. The particle may have been absorbed by the Southern Sierra Miwok with the same meaning, or may alternatively, perhaps, indicate Yokuts versions of Southern Sierra Miwok place-names. Note that Barrett’s concept of Southern Sierra Miwok landholding groups was at odds with that of Merriam, who argued that clusters of minor villages did form village groups under head families that lived in major villages (i.e. “local tribes” in the terminology of this study).

''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber (1925:Plate 37) followed Barrett (1908a) precisely in mapping the Miwok-Yokuts boundary along the Fresno River, for the most part, from Fresno Flat southwest to Raymond. He also mapped four villages of Southern Sierra Miwok speakers within the area here defined as the Nipinnawassee region (Nowach and Olwia on the Chowchilla River; Wasama and Wehilto on the Fresno River). While he listed them in his text, he discussed neither the sources for the locations nor the accuracy level of his map placements (1925:445); Merriam may have been his source (see Merriam notes above). Kroeber specifically addressed the Miwok/Yokuts boundary in the Fresno Flats area, the eastern edge of the region:

:It is reasonably certain that Fresno River itself separated the Miwok from the Yokuts, except for a small tract below Fresno Flats where the Miwok held the southern bank of a northward bend of the stream. The exact location of the village of Hapasau is in doubt. The name is Yokuts; the location may have been on the Miwok side of the river [1925:448].

Kroeber (1925:Plate 37) mapped Hapasau, despite doubts about his evidence, just east of Oakhurst. That location is within the area mapped in this report as the Yokuts-speaking Coarse Gold region. Regarding the name Pohonichi, Kroeber reiterated Barrett (1908a), writing:

:[The Miwok] of the extreme south are often known as Pohonichi, which appellation seems to be of Yokuts origin; whether connected with Pohono Falls in Yosemite is less certain [1925:443].

Kroeber did not indicate knowledge of the Po-ho-nee-chee signatories to 1851 Treaty N on the San Joaquin River.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955''. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley and adjacent Sierra, Cook (1955:76) split the Nipinnawassee region into two mapping areas, placing the southeastern quarter in a Fresno River mapping area for the “Heuchi-Chukchansi-Dalinchi” (with parts of the Cottonwood Creek, Madera, Friant, Coarse Gold, and Raymond regions), while placing the northern three-quarters in a Chowchilla River mapping area for the “Chauchila” (with the Dairyland, southern El Nido, northern Madera, southern Le Grand, and northern Raymond regions). In text, he noted that the vicinity was “very poorly represented in the early documentary sources” and made no note of any specific group within the area of CPNC Nipinnawassee region (1955:51). While Cook’s (1955:50-54) textual discussion of population density in the area does not comport with his mapping units, he did write about the “Miwok on the upper Mariposa and Chowchilla” and give them a population of about 975 on the basis of somewhat opaque reasoning involving Gifford’s village population counts and a factor of “reduction to 70 percent of the aboriginal population.”

''Levy 1978''. Levy (1978:400) mapped the Miwok-Yokuts boundary in the Nipinnawassee region along the west side of the Fresno River, essentially following Kroeber (1925:Plate 1). He mapped six villages in the region—Nowach, Olwia, Wehilto, and Wasema (citing Kroeber 1925), čihči (citing Broadbent 1964), and Hitch-ă-wet-tah (citing Merriam 1907)—under the general term “Mariposa Miwok.” He described Eastern Miwok political organization as based upon the tribelet, with each tribelet unit having several small patrilineage-based hamlets, although he did not attempt to delineate Sierra Miwok local tribeal territories.

NORTH FORK REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:07Z

Paul: 1 revision

=NORTH FORK REGION – NUMEROUS MONO HAMLETS=

[[Image:North_Fork1.png|right]]North Fork Mono is the name ethnographers have applied to the Numic Shoshonean speakers who inhabited the North Fork region at the time of western contact. The North Fork region of Madera County is now sparsely populated, containing only the tiny towns of North Fork, Wishon, and Chawanakee. At western contact the people were spread across the region in numerous small hamlets; the largest contained 40-60 people, while the smallest consisted of a single family. Family composition of villages changed from year to year, and village locations changed over the years. Life was not organized under the direction of strong chiefs.

Three controversial North Fork region boundary areas deserve attention. First, in the southwest, questions exist about a possible Yokuts-speaking group, the Toltichi, in the canyon of the San Joaquin River in the present Kerchoff Lake vicinity. Second, the area south of the San Joaquin River is mapped within the region and inferred here to have been North Fork Mono hunting and gathering territory, but it may well have been used just as often by people from the Auberry and Cold Springs regions. Third, the Bass Lake/Crane Valley area in the northwest has been assigned entirely to North Fork Mono territory by most ethnographers. We split that area, placing its western portion in the adjacent Coarse Gold region, due to its proximity to the historic-era Chuckchansi Yokuts village at Oakhurst.

The North Fork Mono were first documented in the written record during the Mariposa Indian War of 1851, at which time they are said to have fled over the Sierra to the Bishop region They returned within a few years. Today large numbers of North Fork Mono people continue to live in the North Fork region and surrounding areas of Madera County.

==Environment==
The North Fork region lies in the upper portion of the Sierra foothills. Its eastern border is defined by the 4,000-foot elevation line, above which winter snows impeded year-round resource exploitation. The lowest point in the region, in the San Joaquin River canyon where the river leaves the region west of Kerkchoff dam, is only 1,000 feet above sea level. The San Joaquin River is the key watershed of the region. Most important of its many tributaries that pass through the region is Willow Creek, the North Fork of which gives the region its name. A small upper tributary of Fine Gold Creek runs south and then west through the western part of the region. Native vegetation was predominately mixed blue oak-grey pine foothill woodland with many open grassy meadows. Interior live oak dominated the lower canyon walls of the San Joaquin River. Black oak stands still are common in the north-central part of the region from the town of North Fork to the foot of Bass Lake. Ponderosa pine-black oak forest predominated on ridges overlooking the region on the east.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
No Spanish Period expeditions are known to have entered the North Fork region.

==Mission Register References==
The North Fork region is east of the area of systematic Franciscan mission outreach. While a few Pohonichi neighbors to the north went to Mission San Juan Bautista in the 1820s, and a few Dalinchi from just to the west went to Mission Soledad (mostly in the 1830s), no baptized individuals can be specifically tied to the North Fork region. This does not preclude the possibility that they do exist among the small number of people baptized in the 1830s and 1840s as “Tulares” people or under some unrecognizable group names. One such person may have been a member of the Toltechi, a small Yokuts group vaguely documented by Kroeber. This was a lone young “Chochichi” man—Carlos Solunu—who was baptized at Mission Soledad in 1831 (SO-B 2080). He married a Pitcachi woman soon thereafter (SO-M 633), and upon her death he married a Gashowa woman in 1833 (SO-M 2139).

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
No Mexican Period expeditions are known to have entered the North Fork region.

==1846-1900 Historic References==
''Mariposa Indian War of 1851''. A regional uprising took place during 1850 and 1851 against invading gold miners and traders in the Chowchilla, Fresno, and San Joaquin river uplands (Mariposa, Nipinnawassee, Raymond, and Coarse Gold regions). The resisting groups seem to have been led by Chauchila Yokuts from the edge of the San Joaquin Valley. The North Fork people lived above the gold mining area, but they seem to have become involved through retreat of other groups up into their territory to escape the settler militia. (See the CPNC Le Grand region monograph for a more detailed overview of the Mariposa Indian War).

''Treaty N, 1851''. The people of the North Fork region did not sign federal Treaty N along with the other upper San Joaquin River tribes on April 29, 1851 (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 2004:27, 30). Instead, they seem to have fled deep into the Sierra, or across the Sierra to the Bishop region. The following text from Treaty N seems to be refer to them:

It is also expressly understood that the mona or wild portion of the tribes herein provided for, which are still out in the mountains, shall, when they come in, be incorporated with their respective bands …; and the tribes above named pledge themselves to use their influence and best exertions to bring in and settle the said monas at the earliest possible day [in Heizer 1972:74-75].

The specific “Monas,” presumably Monos, mentioned here were almost certainly the North Fork people, since the Posgisa Shoshoneans of the adjacent Auberry region to the south did sign Treaty N.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Merriam 1902''. C. Hart Merriam visited two villages of the “Nim of the North Fork of San Joaquin River” in October of 1902. On October 2 he visited one of two camps of “so-called Mono Indians,” on a knoll in North Fork Gulch. There he spoke with a onld man named Che’-pah:

:He calls his people Nim or Neum and says they came over here from the east side of the mountains a long time ago because they were afraid of the soldiers. He says they came through Mammoth Pass and by way of the Minarets. He says he has a brother living at Bishop. He says the “Monos” occupy the San Joaquin canyon on both sides (in this region) and that there is one camp called Keough Ranch near Crane Flat on the way from here to Fresno Flat [Merriam 1967:439].

Without context, one might conclude that this text supports Mono habitation in the general North Fork area only since historic contact. On the contrary, we interpret the statement to refer to the flight of the Monos over to the Owens Valley at the time of the Mariposa Indian War, and their subsequent return home. Merriam passed a few days in the North Fork region, visiting some other camps. He summarized:

:There are numerous camps of Mono (Nim) Indians in the region about North Fork, and South Fork (so-called) of North Fork; and between North Fork and the San Joaquin River, and on the sloping north side of the canyon [1967:442].

Unfortunately, his published text is confusing about specific locations and lacks a sense of temporal narrative. Ethno-geographic researchers should examine the Merriam [1902-1934] California field notebook entries for the days cited above.

''Barrett 1908''. Samuel Barrett’s 1908 map of Miwok language boundaries show the Mono-Yokuts boundary farther west, in the Bass Lake area, than the CPNC North Fork-Coarse Gold regional boundary (1908:Map 3). In fact, it gives all of the Willow Creek drainage to the Shoshoneans, reserving a small area of the Fresno River drainage at Fresno Flat for the Yokuts and portion of the Fresno Flat valley west of Oakhurst for the Miwok. Barrett did not discuss his basis for mapping the entire Crane Valley (current Bass Lake) area as Mono territory. It is suggested here that he just followed drainages, something that early twentieth-century ethnographers typically did when they were lacking real information.

''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber, like Barrett in 1908, mapped the entire Willow Creek drainage north of North Fork within his “Monachi (Mono)” Shoshonean territory, and relegated only a small wedge of land at Oakhurst, his townsite of Fresno Flats, to Yokuts speakers (1925:Plate 47). He devoted very little text to the Mono groups. He noted that Yokuts groups had “several distinctive names” for their upland Shoshonean neighbors and wondered if “the Mono have borrowed the tribal organization of the Yokuts, or the latter merely attribute their own political unity to each Mono group to which its habitat gives a topographic unity” (Kroeber 1925:585). Regarding the North Fork people, he wrote:

:On the North Fork of the San Joaquin, close to the Chukchansi, Dalinchi, and half-mythical Toltichi, as well as the uppermost of the southern Miwok on Fresno River, was a Mono band that survives in some strength today, but for which no ‘tribal’ name is known [1925:585].

Kroeber’s “half-mythical Toltichi” is a mysterious group. On his Yokuts map, (1925:Plate 47) he places the Toltichi Yokuts and their village of Tsopotipau in the canyon of the San Joaquin River in the Kerchoff Lake vicinity, in the southwest portion of the North Fork region as mapped in this CPNC report. In text regarding the Toltichi, he wrote:

:The Toltichi (plural Toletachi), the “stream people,” were the Yokuts tribe farthest up the San Joaquin and neighbors of the Mono. They are extinct. The recorded fragments of their speech show many distortions, not only from northern foothill but from all forms of Yokuts. It is doubtful whether these divergences are due to faulty recollection or are real modifications caused by prolonged contact of a small and remote mountain group with people of alien language, as in the case of the Paleuyami. It is even conceivable that the Toltichi were Monos, who mispronounced the Yokuts which many of them had partly learned. Tsopotipau, at the electric power site on the large bend of the river below the entrance of the North Fork, was Toltichi [1925:481].

Kroeber’s informant was a Dumna relative of a Toltichi who had died around 1875. The distortions may well be artificial, introduced in an attempt to make Toltichi appear more distinctive (see Kroeber 1907:354-357). The junior author [Smith], having examined Kroeber’s notes, states that all the Kings River Yokuts dialects are very similar lexically, and Toltichi is no exception in this regard, except for a peculiar numeral system. The area Kroeber gives to the Toltichi is less the one-quarter the size of the smallest of the well documented Yokuts local tribes. It is an area little larger than a single village and its immediate hinterland. Perhaps Tsopotipau was a mid-nineteenth century, short-term settlement of a refugee Kings River Yokuts during the Mariposa Indian War and early Fresno River Reservation period.

''Gifford 1932''. Gifford’s 1932 report provides a rich study of North Fork Mono ethnogeography. He documented individual people, land-use patterns, and 67 individual village locations. Some of his findings are highlighted here:

:Sixty-seven sites were inhabited in late pre-American and early American times [list and map provided].

:Although the names of 500 individuals of various generations were recorded from informants, it is likely that the population at any one time did not exceed 300.

:Living sites were at springs and small streams on the sunny slopes and not in precipitous canyons such as that of the San Joaquin. Each spring was named and its name applied to the camp hard by….

:At the bottom of the deep San Joaquin canyon there were only camps for fishing. Moreover, the white oaks and post oaks growing there furnished inferior acorns; while black oak acorns were the Mono favorites. Thus there
was no incentive to permanent settlement along the river….

:Chiefs (bohenabi) and assistant chiefs (nitdenabi) had purely ceremonial moiety functions….

:Hamlets and camps were not limited to one moiety or moiety division, except by chance….

:Each individual, in the course of a normal lifetime, lived in many hamlets and camps. The Northfork Mono lacked definite large central villages such as the Pomo possessed. Even the largest hamlet was ephemeral, and in a few seasons the households comprising it were living elsewhere, often in association with new neighbors [Gifford 1932:17-19].

Family groups shifted residence from lower areas to higher summer residences after the snow melt, Gifford (1932:17) also tells us. Hamlets contained from one to eight huts. The hamlets not marked as summer camps were spread through the areas below 4,000 feet, most often below 3,000 feet. An exception was Saganiu, just above 4,000 feet on the west side of the San Joaquin River above Chawanakee Flat; it faced south, receiving both morning and afternoon sun.

Three areas on Gifford’s (1932:18) map are especially pertinent to the current CPNC North Fork region boundaries as a rough estimation of the North Fork Mono year-round land-use area at western contact:

:• None of the 67 mapped hamlets was in Crane Valley, the current site of Bass Lake. None was closer than 2.2 miles south of Bass Lake, suggesting that Crane Valley had been hinterland for both the North Fork Mono and the Yokuts speakers at Fresno Flat (Oakhurst).

:• Gifford did not map any Mono villages at Kerkchoff Lake, where Kroeber had place the Toltichi and their village of Tsopotipau. The nearest village he mapped was two miles east, overlooking the confluence of Willow Creek and the San Joaquin River. By proximity, however, that area could easily have been within the land-use area of the North Fork villagers.

:• South of the San Joaquin River, in the Sugarloaf Hill vicinity that is included in the CPNC North Fork region, Gifford did not map any North Fork Mono villages. However, no villages of other groups are documented there either, and rugged ridges at Meadow Lakes to the south suggest that the benches south of the river in the North Fork region were probably North Fork land-use areas.''Driver 1937''. For the Cultural Element Distribution study, Driver worked with most of the Sierran Numic-speaking groups in 1935, but he did not work his way north of the Kings River drainage. He did gather a bit of information about North Fork Mono people from a Mono speaker of the Cold Springs region, just south of the San Joaquin River drainage:

''Driver 1937.'' For the Cultural Element Distribution study, Driver worked with most of the Sierran Numic-speaking groups in 1935, but he did not work his way north of the Kings River drainage. He did gather a bit of information about North Fork Mono people from a Mono speaker of the Cold Springs region, just south of the San Joaquin River drainage:

:The North Fork Mono were called Pazo´utc and Yayantci by the Hodogida [see Cold Springs region CPNC report]. The first is a subdivision of one of Gifford’s moieties, the second a moiety. This is at least evidence that the Hodogida did not know the difference between social divisions and local groups and had no moieties themselves. It may add strength to Gifford’s theory that the North Fork moieties and their subdivisions were once local groups [1937:58].

''Aginsky 1943''. For the Cultural Element Distribution study, Aginsky worked with Hausen Lavell, aged 65, a Mono living at North Fork; Topsy Strombeck, aged 50, a Mono-Gashowa living at Auberry; and Lucy and Dick Sherman, aged about 90, living 10 miles from Auberry. His large-scale map gives all of the Willow Creek drainage to the Mono, including the current Bass Lake area, and gives all of Fresno Flat (Oakhurst vicinity) to Miwok speakers, probably following Kroeber (1925:Plate 37). Although his text lacks ethnogeographic information, Aginsky’s relevant field notes should be checked for more information.

''Gayton 1948''. Gayton did not do field work north of the San Joaquin River, and she did very little field work north of the Kings River drainage. She did capture a scrap of ethnogeographic information about the North Fork people from Bill Wilson (Latta’a Pahmit), a Dumna Yokuts of Millerton:

:North of the Posgisa, on the North Fork of the San Joaquin were the Yaya’ či (Yayanchi) [Gayton 1948:153].

Note that Gayton here offers the cover term “Yayach” for the North Fork Mono. Like the names currently used for most other Western Mono groups, it is a Yokuts name. Perhaps due to serendipity, it was never applied by subsequent ethnographers to the North Fork people.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955''. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley and adjacent Sierra, Cook (1955:76) mapped the North Fork Mono in the area generally equivalent to the CPNC North Fork region. He used Gifford’s village and family information as the basis for an estimate of an early historic-period North Fork population, which he then modified to project back to aboriginal times:

:For the North Fork Mono … we may accept as the best estimate obtainable a population of 440 for the period near 1850 and of 640 for precontact time [1955:37].

He also used the North Fork population data as a baseline for projecting aboriginal population densities elsewhere in the south-central Sierra (see Cook 1955:38-39).

''Latta 1977''. Latta, who confined his study to Yokuts-speaking groups, identified the location of Tsopotipau as “at the electric power site on the large bend of the river below the entrance to North Fork." He quotes his Chukaymina informant, Dr Bob (Mulul), as saying that he knew the last “Tolteche” Yokuts person, a man with the same name as him - Mulul – who died and was buried at Dunlap [Latta 1977:162].

''Spier 1978''. Spier (1978a:426) offered contradictory ethnogeographic information for the North Fork area in his review of the “Monache” or Numic Shoshoneans of the western Sierra. In text, he agreed with earlier ethnographers, giving the North Fork Shoshoneans only lands within the North Fork region as mapped in this monograph:

:The Northfork Mono moved about—seasonally, by reason of a death, or simply for variety—within a home territory centered on the North Fork of the San Joaquin River. Some hamlets were on the adjacent Fine Gold Creek and others were at Hooker’s Cove on the San Joaquin [Spier 1978a:427].

This textual description fits with the classic ethnography. Spier’s (1978a:426) map, however, erroneously extends Mono lands farther west down the San Joaquin River to lower Fine Gold Creek and the head of Millerton Lake (Dalinchi Yokuts territory). Spier (1978a:435-436) did, by the way, present a valuable summary of the etymology of various names applied to the western Sierran Shoshoneans.

ORO LOMA REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:07Z

Paul: 1 revision

=ORO LOMA REGION – QUIHUETHS LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Oro_Loma1.png|right]]The Oro Loma region seems to have been the homeland of a small group of Northern Valley Yokuts speakers called ''Quihueths'' in a Mission San Juan Bautista Padron (census). They are probably equivalent to the ''Kahwatchwah'', remembered by an informant of Frank Latta in the 1920s. The arid Oro Loma region, in the western San Joaquin Valley and adjoining Coast Range hills of northwest Fresno County and southwest Merced County, contains the crossroads of Oro Loma, but no true towns, today. It is one of the least understood regions in central California, both in its boundary delineation and in the identification of its people in the mission records. All results discussed here are tentative, based upon indirect inferential approaches to the data. The best evidence for placement of a Quihueths local tribe derives from Father Arroyo’s introduction, in his 1822-1827 Padron, to a list of the earliest ''Lathruunun'' (Yokuts) speakers at San Juan Bautista: “I continue with the first people I baptized, from ''Quihüeths'', jointly with ''Cutósos'' and ''Chanecha'', to whose lands I went both by myself and together with soldiers.” The two other groups are firmly placed on the landscape, the ''Chanecha'' Yokuts in the Los Banos region to the north of Oro Loma, and the ''Cutocho'' Yokuts who came from the Mendota region to the south. This leaves the plain around Oro Loma, east of Mission San Juan Bautista, available as the most likely homeland of the ''Quihueths''. Water would have been an issue for people living on those plains. The nearby San Joaquin River was under control of the Nopchinche Yokuts (Santa Rita Park region) and the Eyulahuas/Copcha Yokuts (Firebaugh region). Thus, the Oro Loma mapping region has been drawn to include the watercourse of the lower valley of Little Panoche Creek, along the east edge of the Coast Range southeast of Los Banos.

At least 41 Quihueths people moved to missions San Juan Bautista and Soledad between 1806 and 1819. The earliest were baptized at Mission Soledad between 1806 and 1811 under the group names ''Siquidmit'', ''Quiuecha'', and ''Tular''; there were 22 of them, none under 15 or over 30 years old. Then between 1812 and 1819 Father Arroyo de la Cuesta at Mission San Juan Bautista baptized 19 people from Ahsnii, Auquisticaus, Quiguiths, Sinathreha, and Teilamne—tiny groups that he lumped together in his later 1822-1827 Padron as the Quihueths. Other possible candidates for the first Yokuts-speaking converts from the Oro Loma region are the ''“Guachirrones de la Sierra”'' baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista between 1799 and 1807 (see ''Mission Register References'' below).

The contact-period inhabitants of the Oro Loma region seem to have been involved in a strong resistance to missionization that also involved the Chanecha of the Los Banos region between 1808 and 1816 (see ''Spanish Period Expedition References'' section below). Their population may have been greatly reduced prior to missionization by warfare against the Spaniards. By the 1818-1822 period the San Joaquin River groups were going to missions Santa Cruz, San Juan Bautista, and Soledad, so we know that the Oro Loma people, no matter who they were, had already been absorbed into the missions by then. Latta, whose native consultant assigned the western San Joaquin Valley plains and adjacent Coast Range hills to the Kahwatchwah, was the only twentieth-century ethnographer to capture any information about the native people of the plain west of Firebaugh. Quihueths genetic lines may still exist among descendants of nineteenth-century Indians of Mission San Juan Bautista and Mission Soledad.

==Environment==
The Oro Loma region lies along the west side of the San Joaquin Valley and includes a small area of the adjacent Coast Range foothills. Elevations in the foothills vary from 1,300 feet down to 600 feet, while elevations in the larger San Joaquin plain area slope gradually down from 600 feet at the foothill edge to 120 feet in marshland areas on the north and northeast. Surface water in the region is confined to Little Panoche Creek, which leaves the Coast Range in the west part of the region and once flowed, at least seasonally, out across the plain to marshes and distributary sloughs of the San Joaquin River north and east of Oro Loma. Natural vegetation of the entire region was once valley grassland, with cottonwood trees along Little Panoche Creek.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
''1812-1814 Punitive Expeditions''. Spanish soldiers clashed with villagers in the San Joaquin Valley east of Mission San Juan Bautista during the year 1812. Indirect references indicate that Father Arroyo de la Cuesta was with the soldiers during the first clash. The event is documented in a San Juan Bautista death register entry of August 9, 1812 stating:

:I gave religious burial … to the body of Antioco, an adult of this mission, who had been killed at the rancheria of Quiguch" [SJB-D 1162, by Father Ullibari].

A cross-referencing note was added next to Antioco’s entry in the book of baptisms at the time, stating:

:He died as is noted in the entry 1162 … along with Jose Joaquin … They were killed by the non-Christians when they went on the expedition with Father Arroyo” [margin of SJB-B 1072].

The death record of the other man, Jose Joaquin, was entered later in the year:

:On September 24 it was verified that there died on my expedition an adult of this mission named Jose Joaquin, baptized 1018; he was killed on the same day as Antioco … but he was not buried on sacred soil [SJB-D 1168 by Arroyo de la Cuesta].

Another entry suggesting a raid in 1812 is found in the Mission San Carlos records. On September 11, 1814, Father Sarria baptized an adolescent boy:

:They took [him] during an expedition made by the troops of this Royal Presidio under the command of Sergeant Vallejo during the year 1812 to a refuge that they had in the tulares near Mission San Juan Bautista … surviving, he was brought in and adopted …. His parents' names are not known, although they still lived when he was brought in. They were not from the rancheria where the refuge existed, but from farther away … his older brother is a neophyte at Santa Cruz [SCA-B 2920 by Sarria].

We have speculated elsewhere that Father Arroyo ran into trouble at the Quihueths village in the Oro Loma region shortly before the death register entry of August 9, 1812, and that the proof of Jose Joaquin’s death on September 24, 1812 came during a retaliatory expedition by Sergeant Vallejo against the Quihueths (cf. Milliken 1993:78-80). Such an expedition may have resulted in numerous deaths among the Quihueths. That would explain their low overall baptized population, documented in the following section.

==Mission Register References==
The Oro Loma region people were completely removed from their homelands through missionization between 1806 and 1819. Forty-one of them are tentatively identified in the mission registers, although it has proven impossible to distinguish with certainty the mission register-listed groups that actually came from the Oro Loma region. We proceed in this section under the assumption that they were the people known as Quiuech or Siquidmit at Mission Soledad and as Asthnii, Teilamne, Sinathre, and Quiguiths at Mission San Juan Bautista. Additionally, the "Guachirrones de la Sierra" baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista between 1799 and 1807, now identified in the CPNC database as Chalon Costanoan speakers of the inner Coast Ranges, may have been Yokuts speakers from the Oro Loma region.

''Soledad Baptisms''. The first currently-identified Oro Loma people to appear at Mission Soledad, nine altogether, were listed as the “Tular,” but led by a man listed from the specific rancheria of ''“Quiuech”''; the group was baptized on May 29, 1809 (SO-B 1340-1349). Their appearance followed earlier baptisms of general ''“Tulares”'' people and “Yyin” people at Soledad, probably from the Helm region. All in all, 21 Quiuech people (including Tulares people with Quiuech relatives) were baptized at Mission Soledad through 1813. They lack systematically documented family ties to any other group in the Mission Soledad records.

''San Juan Bautista Baptisms''. Mission San Juan Bautista took in a total of 19 people that we identify with the Oro Lomo region; all were baptized by Father Arroyo de la Cuesta between 1812 and 1817. At baptism, two were identified as being from Ahsnii (SJB-B 1964, 2147); two were identified as “Auquistacos de la ranchería Cutostho” [SJB-B 2016, 2019]; three were explicitly stated to be Quihueths (“Quiguiths Nación, Rancheria Lohol” [SJB-B 2017,2018]; “Rancheria de Quihuehs” [SJB-B 2182]; five were called Sinathrehas (specifically “Nación Sinathreha de la Rancheria de Yaucaug” in three of the cases [SJB-B 2012-2014]); and six as Teilamne (specifically “Nación Teilemne de la Rancheria de Siahama [SJB-B 2015],” “Nación Teilamne de la Rancheria de Siama [SJB-B 1965,1966]” in three of the cases); and one was identified as an Eyuslahua Yokuts at baptism [SJB-B 2169]. Thirteen of the nineteen were still alive in 1822, at which time Father Arryo de la Cuesta labeled them all Quihueths in the 1822-1827 Padron.

Other candidates for the first Yokuts-speaking converts from the Oro Loma region, but not included as Oro Loma people in the present CPNC, are 40 or so ''“Guachirrones de la Sierra”'' baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista between 1799 and 1807. “Guachirron” is believed to mean “River People” in southern Costanoan languages (per Pinart in Heizer 19452:18). The Guachirrones de la Sierra were intermarried with a number of Coast Range Ohlone/Costanoan groups, among them the Orestacs, Ochentacs, and Tammarons. They are currently assigned to the Potrero Peak, Panoche Pass, and Little Panoche regions of the Coast Range. An in-depth study of all possible clues may provide evidence for re-assigning them as Yokuts of Little Panoche Creek in the Oro Loma region.

''San Juan Bautista 1822-1827 Padron''. Father Arroyo’s San Juan Bautista Padron of the early 1820s provides the key for interpreting the distribution of the western San Joaquin County groups in the expected Mission San Juan Bautista outreach area. In its preamble, he explained the order of the tribal lists that would follow. The following sentence from that preamble is pertinent to the Oro Loma region:

:I continue with the first people I baptized, from ''Quihüeths'', jointly with ''Cutósos'' and ''Chanecha'', to whose lands I went both by myself and together with soldiers [Arroyo de la Cuesta 1822-1827].

Following this preample, the Padron provides separate lists of individuals from the Nopchenche, Eyuslahua, and Copcha. Then comes the list relevant to the Locobo/Quihueth problem. It is a composite list of people from a number of groups, people Arroyo had baptized over the first years after his arrival at San Juan Bautista in 1808. He wrote:

:The first non-Christian Indians I baptized after my arrival … cannot be separated, due to the small number of each. They are the following, and many others of them have died (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1822-1827]:

::[list of 11 Quihueths, 3 Cutosos, 2 Taliths, 1 Chanech, 1 Unijaima, 1 Orestaco, all baptized 1808-1814]

:These are the initial converts from the Tulares, and since 1819 no more of them have come forward. Below follow more of them, in the same format, lacking Christian names, but with Gentile names that should suffice to replace them. And so I continue without further explanation.

::[list of 12 Cutoso, 9 Chanech, 4 Quihueths, 1 Athsnii baptized 1816-17, and an addition, 1 Cutoso baptized 1820]

:This completes those of the small dispersed tribes. If any of the Chanecha, Cutoso, Quihueths, their old people for example, remain fugitives or are aggregated elsewhere, the rest should be reunited at San Juan Bautista, as should any from the first groups [in the Padron], Nopthrinthres, Eyulahuas, and Copcha, who remain on their lands. [added later-ed. …] Among those mentioned in these nations, without doubt, no one remains. All their relatives are at Soledad and at Santa Cruz (Arroyo de la Cuesta [1822-1827]).

It is from this important padron that the people variously identified in their Mission San Juan Bautista baptisms as Ahsmii, Athsni, Auquiticaus, Quihueths, Sinathres, and Teilamnes have been consolidated as members of a single Quihueths local tribe that was separate from the neighboring Chanecha of the Los Banos region and Cutocho of the Mendota region.

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
Native people had long evacuated the Oro Loma region by the beginning of the Mexican Period in 1821. Most military expeditions from Monterey during the era crossed from Pacheco Pass through the Los Banos region to the San Joaquin River. However, the Rodriguez expedition of 1828 did cross to the San Joaquin River through the Oro Loma region. Its diary makes no comments pertinent to the region.

==1846-1910 Historical References==
The Quihueths did not sign the 1851 federal treaties. No references to native people of the Oro Loma region are known for the 1840-1910 time period.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber assigned the Oro Loma region, and surrounding lands of the San Joaquin Valley and eastern Coast Range hills, to speakers of the Yokuts language family. He seems to have lacked any knowledgeable native consultants for the vicinity, since he failed to note any local Yokuts tribes or villages of the west side in text or on his maps (cf. Kroeber 1925:486, plates 1, 47).

''Latta 1949''. Latta assigned the Oro Loma region to a Yokuts-speaking group called ''“Kah-watch’-wah'', meaning "Grass Nut People” (1949:14). His information was second-hand, told to him in 1930 by his knowledgeable Dumna Yokuts informant Pahmit, who had learned about the group as a young man from a Los Banos Indian named So-pah’-no (Latta 1949:14-15):

:Sopahno said his tribe name was Ka-watch’-wah. They live on west side of San Joaquin River, from below Firebaught ‘bout five miles down to north Los Baños town, north where San Luis Creek runs into San Joaquin River. They live too in the west hills all along from Panoche to north of San Luis Ranch. San Luis Creek all belong to Kahwatchwa. Their home villages both on Los Baños Creek, one at hills and one at San Joaquin River.

The information from Sopahno indicates that the Kawatchwah were centered on Los Banos Creek, but held the entire plain west of the San Joaquin River from the CPNC Los Banos region south through the Oro Loma region into the Mendota region, as well as the west portion of the Santa Rita and Firebaugh regions. From this point of view, the Chaneche/Locobo of the Los Banos region and the Quihueths of the Oro Loma region were the same people. This makes it very important to understand Sopahno’s background. Sopahno told Pahmit that his father’s village was Kahtomah, on Los Banos Creek, that he had been brought to Mission San Juan Bautista when he was about 12-15 years old, and that his people were released from Mission San Juan Bautista after he lived there about twenty years. The information, in the context of CPNC studies, suggests that he was a Chaneche/Locobo born around the year 1802.

:Sopahno stay at Mission San Juan ‘bout twenty years. Then the priests tell Indian, ‘You all go away from Mission. You all go back your homes.’ …. Sopahno come back to his old home. There’s nobody there. Indian all gone, Indian house all burned long ago. He go horseback. He go up Los Baños Creek to hills. He go up river ‘bout fifteen miles. There’s no Indian anywhere. He go cross Fish Slough to California Ranch and see some Indian spear salmon in San Joaquin River” (Latta 1949:15-16).

The event certainly took place during the secularization period of the mid-to-late 1830s. Sopahno met Pahmit’s father, Tom-quit, among the Indians fishing on the San Joaquin, and went to live with Tom-quit’s mixed Pitcache/Dumna group.

According to Pahmit, Sopahno claimed the Las Juntas vicinity in the Mendota region. “One their villages, name Kahwahchu [meaning Grass Nut Place] was right where they had that Mexican town, Las Juntas, just where Fish Slough and San Joaquin River go together” (Latta 1949:16). (See Kroeber [1925:Plate 47, 484] for reference to a vaguely-documented Pitcachi village east of Mendota called Gewachiu.) If he had been a Chaneche from Los Banos Creek, why was he claiming the entire plain west of the San Joaquin River for his people, and who were the Kawatchwah? Mission records show that the Chaneche/Locobo of Los Banos Creek were intermarried with the Quihueths, as well as with the Nopchinche along the San Joaquin River. At Mission San Juan Bautista, as populations plummeted from disease, still more intermarriage took place among all of the Yokuts groups from west of the San Joaquin River and along its course east of the mission. Sopahno’s remembered Kawatchwah may or may not refer back to the Quihueths, but they certainly seem to have been an amalgamated Yokuts group during the Mission Period.

==Recent Ethnographic Studies==
''Cook 1955''. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley, Cook (1955:75) mapped the Oro Loma region in his westside plain Area 14, which extended from San Joaquin County south almost to Tulare Lake. He mapped no groups at all within that region, and in fact excluded that region completely from the population analysis that he presented in his text. “The westerly boundary has been drawn along a line approximately five miles west of the San Joaquin River and the prolongation of its axis toward the [Tulare] lake,” Cook (1955:53) wrote. Thus, Cook’s (1955:53) estimate of 5.05 people per square mile on the San Joaquin valley plain between the Mariposa and San Joaquin rivers is not relevant to the Oro Loma region.

''Latta 1977''. In his 1977 edition, Latta (1977:143-146) repeated his 1949 material on the Kawatchwah (as told by Pahmit from Sopahno), with new subheadings but no new commentary.

''Wallace 1978''. The California volume (Wallace 1978) divided Yokuts groups into Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill sections to discuss the large Yokuts language territory in three conveniently-sized chapters. The Oro Loma area is mapped in the Northern Valley chapter. Although no villages are mapped within the Oro Loma area or related to it in text, map and text together incorrectly suggest that the area belonged to some sub-tribe of the Nopchinchi tribe (Wallace 1978:462, 470). For some unknown reason, Wallace considered Nopchinchi (the Santa Rita region local tribe) to have been some sort of "super-tribe", with some of the other middle San Joaquin River local tribes as subgroups within it. Overall, Wallace’s (1978) presentation of ethno-geographic information for his Northern Valley Yokuts area is neither systematic nor accurate.

''Milliken 1993''. Milliken first applied indirect mission register analysis to the Oro Loma area in 1993. The analysis was thorough, bringing together data from all pertinent missions, from Arroyo’s Mission San Juan Bautista Padron (1822-1827), and from relevant Spanish and Mexican journals. Chanech, it was argued, occupied the Los Banos vicinity and Quihueths the Oro Loma vicinity (Milliken 1993:51-53, maps 5a, 5b).

''Milliken 1994''. In a brief publication focusing on the Ohlone/Costanoan-Yokuts language boundary, Milliken (1994:166,175) reiterated his tentative placements of Chanech at Los Banos and Quihueths at Oro Loma.

RAYMOND REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:07Z

Paul: 1 revision

=RAYMOND REGION – probably CHUKCHANSI LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Raymond1.png|right]]The Chukchanci local tribe of Northern Hill Yokuts speakers are the most likely contact-period inhabitants of the Raymond region, although that group is well documented as sharing the adjacent Coarse Gold Creek region to the east with the Dalinchi Yokuts since the Gold Rush. Today the Sierra foothill Raymond region straddles the Madera-Mariposa county line and contains the tiny rural communities of Raymond, Daulton, and Knowles. Since the time of Barrett (1908) and Kroeber (1925), ethnographers have considered the region to have been the southernmost territory of Sierra Miwok speakers. Yet the Raymond region is so poorly documented that no ethnographic village place names are definitely known within it. One village, Chukchanau, vaguely documented by ethnographers as in the Fresno River vicinity, is likely to have been in the vicinity of the confluence of the Fresno River and Coarse Gold Creek, inside the Raymond region.

Indirect evidence for early Chukchansi habitation comes from the Franciscan mission registers. The registers show that families of Chauchila Yokuts (Dairyland region) began arriving at Mission San Juan Bautista by 1819, followed by familes of Thrayapthre Yokuts (Le Grand region) in 1821, then four young ''Siucsanthre'' Yokuts men, believed to have been Chukchancis, in the mid-1820s. That missionization pattern—and other contributing mission evidence—suggests that the Chukchansi were foothill neighbors to easternmost San Joaquin plains group near Raymond, the Thrayapthre Yokuts of the Le Grand region.

The Thrayapthre Yokuts disappeared from historical records in the 1830s; they were probably absorbed by the Chauchila. From the 1820s to the 1840s the Chauchila Yokuts raided Coast Range ranches for horses to eat. In 1845 J. C. Fremont engaged in a battle with horse-stealing “Chauchiles” at the west edge of the foothills in either the Le Grand region or the Raymond region. By that time the lowland Chauchilas may have been pushing the Chuckchansi eastward from the middle Chowchilla River to the upper Fresno River in the Coarse Gold region. The Chukchansi, under this scenario, squeezed the Dalinchi Yokuts out of? the small Fine Gold Creek portion of their original territory throughout the Coarse Gold region.

The Chukchansi Yokuts and Chauchila Yokuts led the multi-tribal resistance to the Gold Rush known as the Mariposa Indian War of 1851. Defeated, both groups and all their neighbors signed federal Treaty N in April of 1851. Both groups were soon moved onto the Fresno River Reservation, headquartered on the Fresno River at the east edge of the Madera region. For some reason, large numbers of Chukchansi do not seem to have moved back to traditional sites in the Raymond region in the later nineteenth century. It should be noted, however, that the only two Indians interviewed by any of the classic ethnographers in the Raymond region were Chukchansi Yokuts (see the ''Classic Ethnographers'' section below).

==Environment==
The Raymond region reaches from the edge of the San Joaquin Valley up into the lower Sierra foothills, with elevations ranging from 400 feet in the west up to 1900 feet in the northeast. The Chowchilla River runs through the northern portion, including the present Buchanan Dam (Eastman Lake) at the break of the foothills. The small Daulton Creek tributary of the Fresno River drains the central area, while the main Fresno River runs along the southeast edge of the region from its confluence with Coarse Gold Creek down to present Hidden Dam (Hensley Lake). Vegetation on the western portion was valley grassland, while the foothill portion was a mosaic of oak-savannah and chaparral.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
No documented pre-1821 Spanish expedition passed through the Raymond region.

==Mission Register References==
The “Siucsianthre,” certainly the Chukchanci, appear in Franciscan mission baptismal registers only four times. All four were young males baptized with people from other groups at San Juan Bautista. First to appear was 18 year old ''Quiuchu'', baptized with Chauchila Yokuts and Uthrocos Yokuts in 1822; he was listed as an “Oyima” in Father Arroyo’s 1822 Padron (SJB-B 3088). Next was 25 year old ''Ippini'', baptized in 1826 with a small group of two Chauchila Yokuts, two Cuccunu Yokuts, one Geuche Yokuts, and one Telehua Miwok (SJB-B 3552); he was said to be closely related to Proceso, an Oyima Yokuts (SJB-B 3087). The third Siucsianthre, seven year old ''Anechec'', was baptized in 1827 among a large group dominated by Thrayapthre Yokuts (SJB-B3656); he was later noted as having died in the land of the Siucsianthres (SJB-D 2548). The final individual, eleven year old ''Mathnuis'', was baptized in isolation in early 1829 (SJB-B 3787); he later married a Heuchi girl at San Juan Bautista (SJB-M 1015).

Arroyo de la Cuesta also baptized four “Chequisinthres” at San Juan Bautista. The sound structure of the name is not similar to any known group, with the possible exception of the Chukchansi. All were baptized on August 6, 1823 by Father Arroyo de la Cuesta, the same man who baptized “Siucsianthres” both before and after that date. On that day Arroyo also baptized eight Silelamne Yokuts (Merced region), seven Sutunuthru Miwoks (Mariposa region), and four Telehua Miwoks (Catheys Valley region). It is possible that Arroyo interacted with them through a Miwok interpreter who pronounced Chukchansi in a different way than Arroyo heard the word on other days. This is pure speculation, but it must be noted that there are no other known groups with which the “Chequisinthre” of Mission San Juan Bautista can logically be assigned. Later, Arroyo identified the four Chequisinthres as Telehua or Sutunuthru Miwoks in his update list to his 1822-1827 padron.

''Arroyo de la Cuesta’s 1822-1827 Padron''. Father Arroyo listed both the Siucsianthre and the Chequisinthre as marginal groups at Mission San Juan Bautista in his 1822 Padron. Siucsanthre was one among a cluster of three local tribes—the others being “Oyima” and “Pitcathre” —that he listed together within his thirteenth and last group at the end of his initial set of entries in the Padron on June 24, 1822. He introduced the cluster as follows: “There are the first [converts] of other nations, e.g., Oyima, Siucsanthre, Pitcathre, Putoyanthre, as are found among the baptisms, with which I finish this padron for now.” Later, on May 24, 1823, he re-opened the padron, adding names of new converts. At that time he began a fourteenth cluster of local tribes, “of the nations Telehua, Sutununthro, Puttoyanthre, Quilisquilis, and Chequisinthre, these last two understand little or nothing of the Tulareño language.” Clearly, this fourteenth cluster of groups in the padron represent the Sierra Miwoks who were just beginning to arrive at San Juan Bautista. Whoever the Chequisinthre were, Arroyo believed that they did not understand Valley Yokuts.

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
''Fremont, 1845''. John C. Fremont brought his third exploring expedition down the east side of the San Joaquin Valley from Sutter’s Fort in December of 1845. The party stumbled upon a “Chauchiles” village at the edge of the Sierra foothills just south of Mariposa Creek, probably on the Chowchilla River in the area where Madera, Mariposa, and Merced counties now meet. (That would place it within the CPNC Raymond region, and thus details of the interaction are reproduced here.) A battle ensued that led to a number of Chauchila deaths. Highlights from the diary, reproduced by Latta (1949), are presented here:

:December 19, 1845. In a few hour we reached a beautiful country of undulating upland, openly wooded with oaks, principally evergreen, and watered with small streams which together make the Mariposas River.

:Continuing along we came upon broad and deeply-worn trails which had been freshly traveled by large bands of horses, apparently coming from the San Joaquin Valley. … These and indications from horse-bone dragged about by wild animals, wolves or bears, warned us that we were approaching villages of Horse-thief Indians, a party of whom had just returned from a successful raid….

:After a few miles of sharp riding, a small stream running over a salty bed, with clumps of oaks around, tempted me into making an early halt. Good grass was abundant, and this spot not long since had been the camping ground of a village, and was evidently one of their favorite places, as the ground was whitened with the bones of many horses.

While Fremont prepared to camp, four of his scouts followed the horse tracks right into a village, leading to yelling and shooting. The main Fremont party re-saddled and followed the noise.

:In a short half mile we found ourselves suddenly in front of a large Indian village not two hundred yards away. More than a hundred Indians were advancing on each side of a small hill, on the top of which were our men where a clump of oaks and rocks amidst bushes made a good defense

The Fremont party killed some of the Indians, then returned to their own camp. They were followed by villagers who threatened them in Spanish:

:Wait … wait until morning. There are two big villages up in the mountains close by; we have sent for the Chief; he’ll be down before morning with all the people, and you will all die….

:The springs and streams herabout were waters of the Chauchiles and Mariposas Rivers and the Indians of this village belonged to the Chauchiles tribe.

The Fremont party eventually retreated from the hills and headed along the east side of the valley to the San Joaquin River. Along that stretch, they encountered other Indian people and killed some of them (Fremont in Latta 1949:34-38).

==1846-1910 Historical References==
''Mariposa Indian War of 1851''. The Chauchila and the Chukchanci were among the local tribes that joined in a resistance American traders and settlers called the Mariposa Indian War. The resistance began in the fall of 1850 and culminated with their defeat and the signatures of their leaders to US government Treaty N on April 29, 1851. We present here a summary of that war’s events, which involved local tribes who were living at the time in the Raymond, Le Grand, Coarse Gold, and Nipinnawassee regions. (The sources used here are the 1997 and 2004 works by George Phillips, themselves based upon a myriad of primary manuscripts).

:At the start of the Gold Rush the Chauchila seem to have been living in either the Le Grand or Raymond region, perhaps both. In 1849, James Savage, a widower from Illinois, established trading posts along the Merced, Mariposa, and Fresno rivers, cohabited with a number of Indian wives, and hired local Indians to pan gold dust for him.

:Late in 1850 some Indians from the region between the Merced and Fresno rivers attacked Savage’s northern trading post on the Merced River. As tensions continued to build, Savage attempted to help the local groups face the new reality of western conquest by taking a “Chowchilla” chief named Jose Juarez to see San Francisco in the fall. (Jose Juarez is not identifiable in any Franciscan mission records.) In San Francisco, Juarez boasted that the tribes were preparing to drive the whites from the mountains (Phillips 1997:42, 43).

:In late November of 1850 a group of tribes gathered near Savage’s Fresno River post (near the later Savage Monument in the eastern Raymond region); Phillips lists the Potuyanthre Miwok, Nuchu Miwok, Chauchila Yokuts, and Pitkachi Yokuts. (It is hard to imagine that the Chuckchansi Yokuts were not there also.) Savage went to talk with them and urge them to avoid war, but his efforts were rejected. Then, Indian agent Adam Johnston arrived in the area and went to talk to the Chauchila chiefs at Savage’s Fresno River station on December 1. The Chauchila assured him they would not oppose the whites after Johnson distributed gifts.

:On December 17, a combined group of Chauchila Yokuts, Chukchansi Yokuts, and Pohonichi Miwoks raided Savage’s Fresno River post, killed three men, and made of with goods and livestock. On the same day Savage noticed that Potuyanthre Indians living around his Mariposa post had withdrawn into the mountains and followed them to a camp in the higher mountains; they may have been diverting Savage away from the Fresno River attack (Phillips 1997:43, 44). On the same day (Phillips 1997:45).

:On December 25, over one hundred Indians attacked a miners' camp and ferry in what may be the later Cassidys Bar area along the San Joaquin river, an area now flooded by Millerton Lake. One miner was killed and ten were wounded. Specific tribes were not mentioned, but just days before the local sheriff had warned all miners to leave the San Joaquin River after he spoke with Pitkachi chief Tom-quit at his village (Phillips 1997:47).

:The Americans responded by sending out a posse of about 100 miners and settlers from various mining camps in the Mariposa district. A few days after January 7, 1851 they found the Heuchi, along with many Chauchilas and some Chukchansis, in a mountainous village of 60 or 70 huts; diaries indicate they traveled 50 miles, but that may not have been on a direct line. They burned the village and killed 30 people (Phillips 1997:49-52). This refuge may have been at Fresno Flats or farther east in the Bass Lake area.

:On January 17, 1851 the settler posse went out again, by way of Fine Gold Creek. They found the resisting Indians “on the north fork of the San Joaquin” (Phillips 1997:53), which, if true, put them deep into the Sierra and far above the snow line of the North Fork region. Phillips summarized: “At a nearby village resided elements of the Chauchila, Chukchansi, Gawia, Nukchu, Potoyanti, Pohonichi, and Yosemite. Numbering some five hundred fighting men, they were led by Chauchila chiefs José Rey and José Juarez” (Phillips 1997:53). (Chief Jose Rey is probably the individual baptized at San Juan Bautista in 1837 as a 19 year old Chauchila [SJB-B 4298]). Again, the native camp was burned and the Indians retreated.

:In February and early March of 1851 miners and settlers were attacked over a wide area of the Sierra foothills, from the Stanislaus River south to the Kaweah River. Among places where whites were killed were the San Joaquin River in the Friant region and Fine Gold Gulch in the Coarse Gold region. The Chauchila were blamed for most of the raids (Phillips 1997:55, 71).

:Three new federal treaty commissioners arrived in the San Joaquin Valley in February of 1851, at the same time that state officials were organizing an official militia to suppress the Indians. The commissioners established Camp Fremont on the Little Mariposa River on March 8 and soon began talking with the adjacent Potoyanti (the Hunter Valley region) and Siyante (Cathey’s Valley region). The commissioners picked lands for their reservation north of the Merced River in the San Joaquin Valley. The Potoyanti, Siyante, and four local tribes of the upper Merced and Tuolumne rivers signed the first federal treaty (later called Treaty M) on March 19, 1851 (Phillips 2004:27).

:Beginning on March 19, 1851, companies from the newly organized Mariposa Battalion went into the mountains to bring in the many resisting groups. One of the companies followed Tenaya’s Yosemite group into Yosemite Valley in late March. While the militia was chasing the various groups, the commissioners moved south to the Fresno River, where they arrived on March 27.

:On April 9 some Indian women came in to the commissioners to say that the Chauchila would sign a treaty, but not until they had finished their mortuary ceremonies for Chief José Reyes, who had died of his earlier wounds. In mid-April a portion of the Mariposa Battalion headed towards the North Fork of the San Joaquin River by way of Coarse Gold Gulch, in search of the Chauchila. They found a deserted village and the remains of José Reye’s cremation. It turned out that the main group of Chauchila people had already gone down the San Joaquin River to the valley to meet with the commissioners (Phillips 1997:83-84).

The Mariposa War was nearly over with the signing of Treaty N on April 29, 1851 by all of the resisting groups except the Yosemites (probably composite Bull Creek region and eastern Sierra Monos) and “Monos” of the North Fork region. The Yosemites were captured by mid-May, by which time the Monos were believed to have fled over the Sierra (Phillips 1997:1-99, 2004:25-34).

''Treaty N, 1851''. The Chukchansi and Chauchila were among 16 local tribes of the upper Chowchilla, San Joaquin, and Kings rivers to sign federal Treaty N with U.S. commissioners, essentially bringing the Mariposa Indian War to an end. An earlier treaty (Treaty M) had been signed at a location closer to the Raymond region (on “the Little Mariposa River” in the Le Grand region) on March 19, but at that time the Chukchansi and Chauchila were higher in the mountains resisting the western settlers. The Chauchila, Heuchi, Chukchansi (all three Yokuts), Pohonichi, and Nuchu (both Sierra Miwok) all came out of the mountains to sign the treaty at a spot near the foothills on the San Joaquin River. There they joined local tribes from along the San Joaquin and others that had been brought north from the Kings River. The Treaty N reservation territory, described in the treaty text, was to be a very large stretch of plain along the base of the Sierra, from the Chowchilla River to the Kings River. The 16 tribes signed the treaty in three geographic groupings on April 29, 1851 (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 2004:27, 30). The Chauchila and Chukchansi were part of the northern geographic group, along with the Heuchi Yokuts, the Pohonichi Miwok, and the Nutchu Miwok, all of whom “acknowledge Nai-yak-qua as their principal chief” (Heizer 1972:72). (See the Madera region CPNC monograph for more information about Nai-yak-qua of the Heuchi.) Also of note, none of the Chauchila or Chukchansi Treaty N signatories had a Spanish name; the Chauchila signatories were Po-ho-leel, E-keeno, Kay-o-ya, A-pem-shee, and Cho-no-hal-ma, while the Chukchansi were Co-tumsi, Ti-moh, Sa-wa-lai, A-chat-a-na, and Mi-e-wal (Heizer 1972:72-79).

''Fresno River Reservation 1854-1859''. The headquarters of the Fresno River reservation, established in 1854, was on the Fresno River at the east edge of the Madera region. “Office of Indian Affairs” reports from the Fresno River agency during the 1850s, now in the National Archives, have not been examined for this report. However, Cook (1955:71), who paraphrased the documents, noted D. A. Enyart’s statement that “30 Chowchilla” and “220 Choot-chances” were at the Fresno Farm [a temporary federal reservation] in November of 1854. A report by M.B. Lewis on August 30, 1859 stated that 85 “Chow-chillas have moved from the Chowchilla to the Fresno River,” while the “Cooc-chances, the largest ‘unbroken’ tribe in the agency, originally on Coarse Gold Creek, some still there, some at agency” totalled 240 persons (Cook 1955:71).

''Powers 1877''. In his chapter on Miwok-speaking groups, Powers (1877:349) listed the “Middle Chowchilla” River, essentially the northern and central Raymond region, as the home of the “Chau-chil’-la” group. Given the dearth of concrete evidence for the original language of the region, and given the argument developed in these CPNC monographs that the Raymond region was the Gold Rush-period home of the Chauchila Yokuts and pre-1850s home of the Chukchansi Yokuts, it is frustrating that Powers did not document the source of his determination. In his Yokuts chapter, Powers (1877:370) placed the Chukchansi “on the San Joaquin, from Whisky Creek down to Millerton.” Even at his high level of generalization, none of the Raymond region falls within that description. It does include the North Fork (Whisky Creek is in that region), Coarse Gold (south portion), Auberry (north portion), and Friant (east portion) regions, and suggests that the term “Chukchansi” had been globalized to include all Northern Hill Yokuts speakers, including the Dalinchi, Dumna, and Kecheyi, by the 1870s. See the CPNC Coarse Gold region monograph for Powers' (1877:384-391) detailed description of a Chukchansi ceremony on Coarse Gold Gulch.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Merriam 1902-1908''. Merriam spent many days in the Madera County foothills over 1902-1908, yet no published notes have been found relevant to the Raymond region. The pertinent Merriam California journals ([1902-1934]) need to be examined for possible Raymond region material.

''Barrett 1908''. Barrett (1908a:Map 3) assigned the Raymond region, or at least 90% of its area, to speakers of the Southern Sierra Miwok language; he gave Yokuts-speaking groups only narrow strips along the southwest of the region (valley lowlands) and the southeast (south side of the Fresno River). In text, he offered no evidence to support the greater part of the region as Miwok-speaking. His assignment seems to derive from extrapolation downriver of a Fresno River Miwok-Yokuts boundary he established with some evidence higher up the Fresno River (approximately the Nipinnawassee-Coarse Gold regional boundary). Barrett wrote:

:The boundary …. follows the divide between the headwaters of San Joaquin and Merced river to the head of Fresno river. It then follows, in a general way, the course of this stream with its northeasterly and southwesterly trend down, at least, to a point a few miles west of Fresno Flat. Here it probably makes a slight swing to the south to include the vicinity of what was formerly known as Fresno Crossing, then returns to the river itself and continues down it to a point about due south of Raymond (Barrett 1908a: 348)

Barrett’s Miwok-Yokuts boundary in the Raymond region, seemingly established without factual basis, was later accepted by Kroeber and has continued to be accepted by researchers into the twenty-first century.

''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber (1925:Plates 37, 47) mapped the greater part of the Raymond region as territory of Southern Sierra Miwok speakers; he only assigned Yokuts lands to the far southeastern portion of the region, on the south side of the Fresno River west of Oneals. Yet Kroeber (1925:443, 481-482) did not document a single specific village location, Miwok or Yokuts, within the entire Raymond region. Curiously, he did mention three unmapped Chukchansi villages that may have been in this region. He wrote:

:The modern Chukchansi list among their settlements certain places across the Fresno River, such as Aplau and Yiwisniu … Also well up on Fresno River was Chukchanau or Suksanau, “Chukchansi place” [1925:482-482].

More clues about Yokuts people in the Raymond region might exist in Kroeber’s pertinent Yokuts and Miwok field notebooks. In January of 1904, Kroeber worked at Raymond on the Chukchansi Yokuts language with native speaker Jim Johnson and at a location within five miles of Raymond on both Chukchansi and Chauchila Yokuts with Hoyima-Chawchilla descendant Molly (Kroeber Notebook 5709-21 columns 2 and 3, referenced in Kroeber 1963).

''Latta 1949''. Latta’s very general map in the inside cover of his 1949 edition shows the Pohonichi in the Chowchilla River country in the Sierra and the “Chauchila” on the adjacent San Joaquin Valley plain to the west. His Pohonichi area generally includes most of the Raymond and Nipinnawassee regions. The Pohonichi are never mentioned in the 1949 text, and therefore no discussion is given to the language of the Raymond region. The Chauchila, on the other hand, were considered an important group by Latta. He chose them as the exemplary Yokuts tribe of the San Joaquin Valley plains (1949:33-38): “This tribe has been known since its earliest contact with white people for its hostile attitude and horse stealing,” he wrote (1949:34). He described their pre-contact life ways as they might have been, and emphasized the value with which they probably held horses during the Mexican Period. Latta also devoted four pages to Fremont’s ''Memoir'' excerpt regarding an 1845 encounter with displaced Chauchilas at the edge of the foothills (see the Fremont text overview under 1840-1900 Historic References above). All in all, however, Latta’s 1949 information for both the Chauchila and the entire Chowchilla River area does not reflect direct information from his own informants.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955''. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley and adjacent Sierra, Cook (1955:76) split the Raymond region into two of his mapping areas, placing the southern portion in a Fresno River mapping area for the “Heuchi-Chukchansi-Dalinchi” (with parts of the Cottonwood Creek, Madera, Friant, Coarse Gold, and Nipinnawassee regions), while placing the northern Raymond region in a Chowchilla River mapping area for the “Chauchila” (with the Dairyland, southern El Nido, northern Madera, southern Le Grand, and northern Nipinnawassee regions). In text, he noted that the vicinity was “very poorly represented in the early documentary sources” and made no specific note of any groups tied to the Raymond region landscape (Cook 1955:51). While Cook’s (1955:50-54) textual discussion of population density in the area does not comport with his mapping units, he did write about the “southern Miwok on the upper Mariposa and Chowchilla” and give them a population of about 975 on the basis of somewhat opaque reasoning involving Gifford’s village population counts and a factor of “reduction to 70 percent of the aboriginal population.”

''Latta 1977''. Latta added slightly altered information from 1949 in his 1977 edition, but made no significant additions to his information about either the Chauchila or Chukchansi. As in 1949, he relied primarily upon information from Kroeber (1925) for the ethnogeography of both groups.

''Wallace 1978''. The preponderance of the CPNC Raymond region was portrayed as Yokuts-speaking ethnographic land for the first time in the chapter maps of the Smithsonian’s California volume (Heizer 1978; Levy 1978:400; Wallace 1978:462). Yet neither of the pertinent authors, Levy (1978) for the “Eastern Miwok” or Wallace (1978) for the Northern Yokuts, comment on that departure from the mapping boundaries of Barrett (1908) and Kroeber (1925). Wallace’s (1978:462) very general map shows only the “Chawchila” anywhere near the Raymond region; he shows them on the Chowchilla River downstream from the Raymond region.

KERMAN REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:06Z

Paul: 1 revision

=KERMAN REGION – PITKACHI LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Kerman1.png|right]]The Pitkachi, a Northern Valley Yokuts-speaking local tribe, held the lower portion of the west-flowing section of the San Joaquin River, currently the Fresno-Madera county boundary, at the time of Spanish penetration into the San Joaquin Valley. Their complete territory, however, was never systematically documented. We arrive at the conclusion that they held the plain south of the San Joaquin River and west of the current city of Fresno on the basis of inferential regional reconstruction of their known and inferred village locations, as well as those of the neighboring Cutocho, Copcha, Heuchi, Hoyima, Gashowu, Wimilchi, and Apiachi Yokuts local tribes. The Kerman region is currently an intensive farming area around the small town of Kerman (west of Fresno).

Scouts from a Spanish expedition visited “Pizcache” village somewhere east of the modern town of Herndon, quite a way upstream from the Kerman region, in October of 1806, a location that supports the common twentieth-century contention that they held the south side of the San Joaquin River in the Herndon region. If that is true, their Hoyima neighbors on the north side of the San Joaquin river were pinned into a very small territory, being constrained on the north by the Heuchi of the Madera region. Since the contact-period native Californians tended to name a river after its farthest downstream inhabitants, it is possible that the 1806 visitors recorded “Pizcache” as the native name of the San Joaquin River, not the name of the local tribe they encountered in the Hoyima region. On the other hand, it may be that the Hoyima and Pitkachi had a close relationship and mutual access anywhere along the San Joaquin River in the Kerman and Herndon regions.

A total of 136 Pitkachis moved to Mission Soledad between 1811 and 1831, 112 in the year 1822 alone. In doing so they were the first group from east of Fresno Slough (the Kings River channel to the San Joaquin River) to move to Mission Soledad in numbers. Mexican expeditions in search of horse-stealing Indians went out looking for the remaining Pitkachis in the mid-1820s. By the mid-nineteenth century they had moved eastward to join the Dumna in the present Lake Millerton vicinity of the Friant region. There, under the leadership of Tom-quit, they attempted to adapt to the presence of U.S. soldiers at Fort Miller and the short-lived Fresno Agency reservation during the 1850s. Tomq-uit’s own descendants came to identify themselves as Dumnas, rather than Pitkachis. Pitkachi descendents continue to live in Fresno and Madera counties today, some as members of the Table Mountain Rancheria, while others, descendants of Mission Soledad Indians, probably live in Coast Range towns of west-central California.

==Environment==
[[Image:Kerman_Photo2.jpg|200px|thumb|left|Photo of Kerman Region along Route 180]]The Kerman region lies on the open San Joaquin Valley floor at the foot of the gradual fans of the San Joaquin and Kings rivers. Elevations vary between 170 and 230 feet. The San Joaquin River runs westward through the northern part of the region. On the west, two distributary channels of the Kings River—Fish Slough and Fresno Slough—run northward through the low area that was marked as a ''“Tular”'' or tule marsh on the Estudillo map of 1819. Those low western sloughs also acted as overflow channels for Tulare Lake during exceptionally wet years. Natural vegetation over most of the region was valley grassland. Willow thickets bordered the rivers and sloughs.

==Early Expedition References==
''Moraga-Muñoz 1806''. The Moraga-Muñoz expedition explored the San Joaquin River over the three days of October 11-13, 1806, on its way south along the east side of the San Joaquin Valley from central California to the Los Angeles basin. They visited a village they identified as “Pizcache” on October 13, but that village was in the valley currently filled by Millerton Lake, 25 miles upstream from the Kerman region (see Friant region CPNC monograph). Another scouting party was sent downstream, probably as far as Biota in the Kerman region; no downstream villages were mentioned in the diary (Muñoz in Cook 1960:251. 253).

''Pico 1815''. José Dolores Pico led a punitive raid into the San Joaquin Valley from the Monterey Presidio in November of 1815. They seem to have passed through the west portion of the Kerman region on their way south on November 11 and camped that night in the Helm region (Pico in Cook 1960:269). After joining the Ortega expedition near Tulare Lake, the Pico party returned north through the west portion of the Kerman region on November 19, on their way to the San Joaquin River. No Indian people were mentioned in the Kerman region portion of either the southern or northern passage (see Pico in Cook 1960:269-270).

''Estudillo 1819''. The Estudillo reconnaissance expedition passed through the western portion of the Kerman region on November 5, 1819, on its way north through the central San Joaquin Valley. The night before, they had camped at San Pablo, a cluster of pools of water somewhere on the plain, probably just north of Burrell and east of Helm in the Helm region.

:Left San Pablo, going north to the San Joaquin River over muddy, salty, and marshy ground. We crossed several deep cuts reaching the river at 4 P.M., having gone but 10 leagues because of so many turns … In nearly all today’s journey there were encountered the scattered bones of horses already dead many days [Estudillo in Gayton 1936:81].

The Estudillo party made camp in the Mendota region, at a village of Captain Tape which had been inhabited just 15 days earlier. It should be noted that Tape and most of his Cutucho Yokuts people had already moved to missions Soledad and San Juan Bautista by this time, but that the Pitkachis had not yet gone to Mission Soledad in numbers.

==Mission Register References==
One hundred and forty Pitkachis were baptized at Franciscan missions. Most, 136 people, were baptized at Soledad between 1811 and 1831. Three were baptized at San Juan Bautista and one at San Antonio. Also, one woman baptized at Mission Santa Clara from the “ranchería de Pacachi” may have been a Pitkachi. Spelling of the tribal name varied greatly from one missionary to the next. Specifics are given below for each mission group.

''Soledad''. The first Pitkachi ever baptized was an 11-year-old boy who was part of a group of 17 men, women, and children baptized at Soledad from the ''Tular'' on May 3, 1811 (SO-B 1429, among 1414-1431). Through family cross-reference we find that most of the people in that group were Tucsutsi, believed to be the Soledad name for the Cutucho Yokuts of the Mendota region, and a significant proportion were Yyins, possibly the Apiachi Yokuts of the Helm region. The boy’s sister was among the next three Pitkachis baptized, also at Soledad as ''Tulares'' people, but not until April 28, 1818 (SO-B 1661-1667). Their father, 60-year-old Chacuita (SO-B 1905), was baptized among the large wave of 112 directly-identified Pitkachis at Soledad in 1822. Father Payeras baptized 29 of them on one day, writing “Todos de R. Pitcatse” (SO-B 1804-1832). Father Juan Cabot baptized the other 83, labeling one a “Pitcatse en el Tular” (SO-B 1833), but spelling most of the others “Pitcatche” (among SO-B 1837-1928). Three more were baptized in 1823 (SO-B 1952, 1953, 1957). Then there was a seven-year gap in baptisms (for all Yokuts groups east of Soledad) until 11 Pitkachis were baptized in 1830 (during which time one Pitkachi had been baptized in 1828). The first Pitkachi baptized in 1830, Maria Nazaria (SO-B 2036), was the one-year-old daughter of Valeriano who, the entry states “was already a Christian and has been a fugitive in the tulares”; Valariano had been baptized back in 1822 (SO-B 1845). The final four Mission Soledad Pitkachis were baptized in 1831 (SO-B 2079, 2094, 2098, 2099). Through the rest of the 1830s scores of Wechihits and Gashowus were baptized at Soledad, along with some Taches, Wimilchis, Dumnas, and Dalinchis. No more Pitkachis appeared at Mission Soledad after 1831.

''San Juan Bautista''. Three Pitkachis were baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista, two in 1819 and one in 1840. The two in 1819 were a mother and daughter who came in with some Eyulahuas Yokuts of the Firebaugh region and Chauchila Yokuts of the Dairyland region (SJB-B 2333, 2361); the husband of the woman and father of the child was Tomas Tohochie, who had been baptized as an Eyulahuas back in 1817 (SJB-B 2165). Years later, on June 25, 1840, a Pitkachi couple named Moctoa and Amoyloque brought their infant daughter to San Juan Bautista to be baptized as Manuela Juana (SJB-B 4475); in that time period occasional young adults from the Wimilchi, Dalinchi, and groups with unrecognizable geographic affiliation were being baptized at the secularized mission by Father Anzar.

''San Antonio''. A seven-year-old girl was brought by her parents, Tchic and Sauquelic, from the “Pitcaches” and baptized at Mission San Antonio on June 14, 1841 by Father Real of Mission San Carlos, according to the baptismal entry by Father Gutierrez (SAN-B 4601). No other Indian converts were baptized at San Antonio that year. There may also have been Pitkachis among the 48 individuals baptized at San Antonio from the “Tular” between 1836 and 1838, but the main target area for Mission San Antonio were the Tachi and Telamne Yokuts of the Lemoore and Goshen regions.

''Mission Marriage Patterns''. Pitkachis were partners in 24 renewed pre-mission marriages, all at Mission Soledad. Both spouses were identified as Pitkachi in the first case, in 1818, and the next 20 cases in 1822. (Local tribe origins of individuals may not always have been accurately reported, especially when the missionaries were processing large groups identified to them as having come from a particular rancheria, as in the case of the Pitkachis at Mission Soledad in 1822). In 1831 a Pitkachi-Hoyima woman and her “Chochichi [Toltichi Yokuts or Mono?]” husband were baptized and re-married in the church (SO-M 633). In 1832 a Pitkachi man and his Hoyima Yokuts wife were baptized and remarried in the church (SO-M 643).

Previously un-married and widowed Pitkachi men were spouses in 22 marriages at Mission Soledad; partners are identified as Wechihit Yokuts from the Sanger region (five cases), other Pitkachis (four cases), Gashowu Yokuts from the Clovis region (three cases), Hoyima Yokuts from the Herndon region (two cases), Dalinchi Yokuts from the Coarse Gold region (two cases), two women from Coast Range Costanoan groups, two from unknown locations, and one each of Chauchila Yokuts (Dairyland region), and Cutocho Yokuts (Mendota region).

Previously un-married and widowed Pitkachi women were spouses in 32 marriages at Mission Soledad; partners are identified as Cutocho Yokuts from the Mendota region (seven cases), other Pitkachis (four cases), Yyin Yokuts from the Helm region (four cases), Chaneche Yokuts from the Los Banos region (one case), Quitratre Yokuts from the Atwater region (one case), Yokuts from unidentified “Tular” areas (four cases), and Costanoan speakers from Coast Range locations (eight cases), Salinan speakers from the Coast Range (two cases), and a Coast Range Esselen speaker (one case).

''Arroyo’s 1822 Padron''. Father Arroyo de la Cuesta listed the three Pitkachis baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista as part of the thirteenth group in his 1822 Padron. At the beginning of that entry, he wrote: “Here are the first people from other nations, e.g. Oyima, Siucsanthre, Pitcathre, Putoyanthre, as was made evident in the Book of Baptism and the Census, and with this it [the overall list] is finished for now.”

==Late Mission Period Expedition References==
''Pico 1826''. Sergeant José Dolores Pico led a Mexican military expedition against horse thieves and fugitive Christians in the central San Joaquin Valley during the winter of 1825-1826. He crossed eastward to Hoyima territory, just north of the Kerman region on January 3, 1826, after raiding a village of fugitive Christians in the modern Firebaugh vicinity to the west. Then he went north in pursuit of the Hoyimas, attacking them in an unknown location, probably on the Chowchilla River in the Le Grand region. On January 6 he headed back south along the edge of the Sierra foothills, stating:

:Immediately I resumed my march to the east, along the margin of the Sierra Nevada, looking for the villages of the Pichicaches and the Guimilchis (Pico in Cook 1962:182).

Although Pico spent two more weeks in the valley, primarily raiding on the Kings River, he neither found nor mentioned the “Pichicaches,” presumably the Pitkachi, for the rest of the trip. During the expedition he did move north on January 16-17 over the plain through the west side of the Kerman region, from the Kings River in the Hanford region to Las Juntas in the Mendota region. His diary for those days did not mention any Indian people (Pico in Cook 1962:183).

''Smith 1827''. Jedediah Smith and his large group of contract trappers first entered central California from the south in early 1827. They moved north from the Kings River to the San Joaquin River in early March.

:I was then near the foot of the Mt and finding no further inducement for trapping and the indians telling me of a river they called the Peticutry [San Joaquin River] in which there was beaver I traveled north along near the foot of the Mt about 15 miles and encamped on the bank of the Peticutry* (*at the place where I first struck the Peticutry were a great number of small artificial mounds.) … [Smith in Brooks 1977:143-144].

It is not clear where Smith (in Brooks 1977:144) struck the San Joaquin River, but his men probably trapped its entire east-west portion. Nor did Smith mention any Indian people living in the Kerman region. Later, after having traveled north to the confluence of the San Joaquin and Stanislaus rivers, Smith noted the absence of Indian people along the north-south stretch of the San Joaquin:

:Since I struck the Peticutry I had seen but few indians. The greater part of those that once resided here having (as I have since been told ) gone in to the Missions of St. Joseph and Santa Clara [Smith in Brooks 1977:146].

This brief comment supports the mission register evidence, which suggests that most of the lowland people along the San Joaquin River had moved to the missions by 1827.

''Estrada 1839''. The Gashowu and Pitkachi were raided by Santiago Estrada in the summer of 1839, according to the extant paraphrase copy of his report to the Prefect of the First Military District on July 7 of that year:

:He says that on the 3rd he went out to La Junta. There he met Captain Antonio Buelna, Ensign Clemente Espinosa, Administrator of San Miguel Inocente Garcia, the united forces amounting to more than 80 men. They reached Kings River in order to call for help from the inhabitants of the region. They succeeded in surprising two Indian villages, Cayhohuis and Picachis. They were not considered criminals, but no one came out with good will; they did not take up arms, but ran away. Of the prisoners taken only one was known to be a thief. He and the rest, to the number of 77, mostly women and children are placed in charge of the prefect [Estrada in Cook 1962:191].

The “Cayhohuis” were probably the Gashowu, but Estrada did not provide precise geographic references to their location. Nor is it clear if the Pitkachi and Gashowu were living separately or together when they were raided. We surmise that the Pitkachi were harboring with the Gashowu at the time somewhere near the edge of the Sierran foothills along Big Dry Creek in the Clovis region.

==1840-1900 Historical References==
''Naglee 1847''. A United States army expedition under Henry Naglee went to a Pitkachi village in early June of 1847, while in the San Joaquin Valley in search of horse-stealing Indians. Phillips (1993:144) writes, “Naglee and his men followed the San Joaquin River upstream to the mountains, where they contacted Tom-quit, leader of the Pitkachi, and thirty of his followers.” We speculate that the meeting took place in the valley now under Millerton Lake, indicating that Tom-quit and the remnant Pitkachis were living among the Dumna at this early date.

''Mariposa Indian War of 1851''. The remnant Pitkachis were involved, to some extent, in the Mariposa Indian War of 1850-1851. They seem to have been living in the hills or mountains at the time, since the events described below were tied to gold mining activities. Phillips (1997:42) cites primary sources to the effect that Pitkachis were among the many groups at Savage’s Fresno River trading post (in the Raymond region) in November of 1850, when Savage heard that all of the tribes between the Merced and San Joaquin planned an uprising against the white miners and ranchers. When killing of settlers did start on December 17, it seems to have been led by Chauchila Yokuts, Chukchansi Yokuts, and Pohonichi Miwoks. However, the Mariposa County sheriff visited Chief Tom-quit of the Pitkachis on the San Joaquin River, and immediately thereafter warned all settlers along the river to leave the area. Most did not. On December 25, over one hundred Indians attacked a miners' camp and ferry in what may be the later Cassidys Bar area along the San Joaquin River, an area now flooded by Millerton Lake. One miner was killed and ten were wounded (Phillips 1997:47). Although hostilities between Indians and the newly formed Mariposa Battalion continued until April, the Pitkachis were not mentioned as hostile participants in primary sources cited by Phillips (1997). (See the CPNC Raymond region monograph for greater detail regarding the Mariposa Indian War.)

''Treaty N, 1851''. The Pitkachi were among 16 local tribes of the upper Chowchilla, San Joaquin, and Kings rivers to sign federal Treaty N with U.S. commissioners on April 29, 1851, essentially bringing the Mariposa Indian War to an end. Five “Pit-ca-chees” marked the treaty, led by “Tom-quit, chief” and followed by Ya-ko-wal, Too-tro-mi, Cho-lul, and Ne-sa-plo (Heizer 1972:78-79). The Treaty N reservation territory, described in the treaty text, was to be a very large stretch of plain along the base of the Sierra from the Chowchilla River to the Kings River (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 2004:27, 30). The treaty commissioners divided the 16 signatory local tribes into three sections for purposes of future interactions. The Pitkachis were placed in the central group (the San Joaquin River people) with the Gashowu (Cas-son) Yokuts, Dumna Yokuts, Dalinchi Yokuts, and Posgisa Monos, “which five tribes or bands acknowledge Tom-quit as their principal chief” (Heizer 1972:72).

''Fresno River Agency 1854-1859''. The headquarters of the Fresno River reservation, founded in 1851, was on the Fresno River at the east edge of the Madera region. Office of Indian Affairs reports from the Fresno River agency during the 1850s, now in the National Archives, have not been examined for this report. However, Cook (1955:71) paraphrased some of the relevant documents. D. A. Enyart’s 1854 report did not mention the Pitkachi among the tribes at the Fresno River reservation. Phillips notes that Enyart, in charge of Fresno Farm in 1854, wrote that the Pitkachi, numbering 250 persons under Tomquit, had not yet moved to that reservation. He asked the lieutenant in charge of Fort Miller to encourage the Pitkachi to move to the Fresno Farm.

:The Indians he spoke with, then engaged in salmon fishing and mining, exhibited no interest in relocating. The water at the farm, they told the lieutenant, was stagnant and contaned no fish [Phillips 2004:143].

In 1855 Enyart reported “at least about 1,000 to 1,500 Indians on the River (i.e., San Joaquin), suggesting that the Pitkachi and other groups had still declined to move to the smaller Fresno River (in Cook 1962:71). On August 30, 1859, M. B. Lewis listed 22 local tribes which recognized the Fresno Agency as their headquarters, among them the “Pit-cat-ches and Tal-linches (two distinct tribes); native habitat was the San Joaquin River; still near Fort Miller …. 150 [people]” (in Cook 1955:71; see also Phillips 2004:222).

''Powers 1877''. Powers noted only two local tribes along the entire east-west flowing portion of the San Joaquin River west of Mono territory. “On the San Joaquin, from Whisky Creek down to Millerton, are the Chūk’-chan-si; farther down, the Pit’-ka-chi, now extinct” (Powers 1877:370). The Pitkachis may have been extinct as a political group by 1877, but many individuals alive today include identified Pitkachis among their ancestors.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Merriam 1903''. Merriam did not visit Indians in the Kerman region. He did learn about Pitkachis from Mrs. Mathews, “an old Kosh’-o woman” at her home at Table Mountain (in the Auberry region) on October 30, 1903. She told him that Pitkachis lived at Table Mountain and nearby areas, along with Chukchansis (see Raymond and Coarse Gold regions), Dumnas (see Friant region), and Gashowas (see Clovis region). Regarding the Pitkachis themselves, Merriam wrote:

:At the time of my visit a few Pit-kah’-te and Kosho’-o Indians were fishing on a stretch of the river from Pullasky [later renamed Friant] upstream for a mile or so. They were spearing salmon and drying them for winter use [1967:416].

:The Pit-kah’-te or Pitkatche inhabited the plain and lower San Joaquin up to Pullasky (the name of which has since been change to Friant) … Mrs. Matthews’ grandmother was a Toom’-nah but she speaks of the tribe and language as Pit-kah’-te [1967:417].

Clearly, by 1903 the greatly reduced Pitkachi tribe was living in the Table Mountain vicinity of the Friant and Auberry regions, northeast of their original homeland. (See the CPNC Friant monograph regarding the Millerton Band in 1910).

''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber (1925:Plate 47) mapped the Pitkachi along the south side of the San Joaquin River, from their village of Gewachiu on the west (near where the river bends to the north) upstream beyond Fresno on the east, inclusive of the Kerman region and the southern portion of the Herndon region. He wrote:

:The Pitkachi, perhaps more accurately Pitkati (plural Pitakati or Pidekati) are said to have received their appellation from an evil-smelling salt or alkali of the same name, which they used to gather or prepare. This in turn is named after feces, pidik. They held the south side of the San Joaquin, living at Kohuou, near Herndon or Sycamore; at Weshiu, on a slough; and at Gewachiu, still farther downstream [1925:484].

Kroeber (1925:Plate 47) mapped the Pitcachi village of Gewachiu on the San Joaquin River within the CPNC Kerman region. He mapped Kohuou at Herndon in the CPNC Herndon region, the most easterly of the two alternative locations he referenced in the text quoted above. (The westerly alternative location for Kohuou was on the boundary of the Kerman and Herndon regions, where State Highway 145 now crosses the San Joaquin River). Kroeber did not attempt to map Weshiu. His association of the name Pitkachi with salt, alkali, and evil-smelling waste supports inclusion in their territory of the low, poorly-drained bottomlands along Fish Slough and Fresno Slough, location of the present town of San Joaquin in the western part of the Kerman region. Weshiu, “on a slough,” may have been along Fish Slough in that vicinity.

''Latta 1949''. In the inside cover of his 1949 volume, Latta mapped the Pitkachi along the south side of the San Joaquin River in the Kerman region, downstream from the general area where Kroeber had mapped them. He had little to say about them in his text, writing only:

:On the south side of the San Joaquin River, at the site above Herminghaus Ranch and known as Rancho de los Californios, was the Pitkachi village of Gewachiu. Another of their villages was ''Kohuou'', located near where the town of Herndon is now [1949:4].

The two village locations are essentially where Kroeber (1925) had mapped them, but the reference to the Herminghuas Ranch is new. The limited information, and the lack of reference to a specific consultant, suggests that Latta’s consultants were minimally familiar with Pitkachi lands.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955''. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley, Cook (1955:76-77) placed the Pitkachi in the portions of the Kerman and Herndon regions that are south of the San Joaquin River. In text, he noted that the Valley between the Merced and Kings rivers was “very poorly represented in the early documentary sources.” However, he reviewed the nineteenth-century sources regarding the Pitkachi and concluded that they alone had a population of 1,000-1,200 individuals (Cook 1955:51). As a result of a wider review, Cook (1955:50-54) suggested an aboriginal population of 5.05 persons per square mile in the San Joaquin Valley south of the Merced River and north of the Kings River.

''Latta 1977''. Latta made only minor changes in his Pitkachi presentation in his 1977 edition. He shifted the spelling of the group from “Pitkachi” to “Pitkache” and he shifted the center of their area a bit upstream along the south side of the San Joaquin River on the inside cover map. He also changed one of the village spellings, from “Gewachiu” to “Gewacheu.” Otherwise, he repeated the limited information found in his 1949 work.

''Wallace 1978''. The California volume (Heizer 1978) divided the Yokuts language sub-groups into three arbitrary sections—Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill—to discuss them in three conveniently-sized chapters. The Kerman region was included within the arbitrary Northern Valley Yokuts chapter, written by William Wallace. Wallace (1978:462) mapped the Pitkachi on the south side of the San Joaquin River, in both the Kerman and Herndon regions. In text, he wrote, “On the north side of the San Joaquin where it flows across the lowlands before turning north lived the Hoyima; on the opposite bank were the Pitkachi, and farther upstream, the Wakichi” (Wallace 1978:466). This placement follows Kroeber (1925). Overall, the chapter should be considered a secondary source on Yokuts ethno-geography.

LE GRAND REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:06Z

Paul: 1 revision

=LE GRAND REGION – THRAYAPTHRE LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Le_Grand1.png|right]]The Thrayapthre are a Delta Yokuts-speaking local tribe known only from mission registers. We infer that they inhabited the Le Grand region at the time of Spanish contact, on the basis of their time of baptism and their marriage ties with better-documented central San Joaquin Valley local tribes. The Le Grand region straddles the Mariposa-Madera county boundary on the east side of the San Joaquin Valley. Currently it is range land, with only one tiny town, Le Grand.

A few Thrayapthre Yokuts were baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista in the 1820s, where a priest noted that they were the “most distant” San Joaquin Valley Yokuts speakers (see the Mission Register References section below). The Thrayapthre disappeared from all records by the mid-1830s. It is argued here that the Chauchila Yokuts originally held only the Dairyland region on the lower courses of the Chowchilla River, and that they moved eastward, absorbing the Thrayapthre or pushing them up into the Sierra (perhaps some of both), during the horse raiding era of the late 1820s and 1830s. In the year 1845, John C. Fremont encountered and fought the “Chauchiles” somewhere in the Le Grand region. Subsequent authors have been content to give the entire east San Joaquin Valley plain north of Fresno Creek and south of Mariposa Creek to the Chauchila Yokuts.

Today’s Indian groups of Mariposa and Madera counties may include individuals with Thrayapthre Yokuts ancestry. There may also be families with Thrayapthre Yokuts ancestry among the Mission San Juan Bautista descendant community.

==Environment==
The Le Grand region is predominately flat valley land at 200-400 foot elevation along the east side of the San Joaquin Valley, with some low foothills up to 500 foot elevation on the east. The Chowchilla River enters the region from the foothills just to the east and immediately braids out into three distributary streams—the main Chowchilla, Ash Slough, and Berenda Slough—that flow westward through the southern portion of the region. Small Deadman Creek and Dutchman Creek flow westward through the central area, while small Mariposa Creek flows westward through the north portion of the region. Historic vegetation was predominately valley grassland, with willows and cottonwoods along the perennial streams. Valley oaks were occasional in the eastern half of the region, while blue oak woodlands covered some of the eastern upland hills.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
''Moraga-Muñoz 1806''. The Moraga-Muñoz expedition seems to have camped in the region on the night of October 10, 1806, on its way southeast from the Merced River to the San Joaquin River:

:A river with two or three channels was encountered, but with water only in pools on account of the great expanse of sand. It has grass, willows, oaks, and ash. At this place we spent the night. A scouting party went into the mountains but found nothing worth noting. All the country traversed today has very poor grass and is very stony. … [The arroyo] at which the camp is situated is [called] the Tecolote ["owl"] because of the great abundance of these birds [Muñoz in Cook 1960:251].

The camp was probably in the area of the old Santa Fe railway east of Chowchilla. In other areas along their route, Muñoz wrote of encounters with local Indian people, but none were mentioned along this portion of the route.

==Mission Register References==
The Thrayapthre local tribe are known only from the San Juan Bautista mission records between 1821 and 1831. Thirty-one Thrayapthres were baptized there, of whom only 13 were adults. Clearly only a small percentage of the population was ever baptized. The first group to appear at the mission consisted of six children baptized on June 2, 1821 in a mixed group with children from areas farther north, primarily Silelamne Yokuts (presumably) of the adjacent Planada region (among SJB-B 2790-2809). A young woman was baptized with Quithrathre Yokuts (Atwater region) later that year, another with the Silelamne in 1822, and two more with Quithrathres and Silelamnes in 1823 (SJB-B 2840, 3183, 3295, 3341). Also in 1823 three young Thrayapthre men were baptized in mixed groups with Silelamnes, Quithrathres, and Telehua Miwoks, the latter of the Sierra foothill Catheys Valley region (SJB-B 3352, 3353, 3392). One of those young men, Sexto, was identified as a son of the Thrayapthre captain (SJB-B 3352); in a later baptism of a relative, Sexto was said to be San Juan Bautista’s “interpreter of the third language” or Sierra Miwok. No Thrayapthres were baptized in 1824 or 1825. In the summer of 1826 three Thrayapthres were baptized with Geuche Yokuts (Madera region), Cuccunu Yokuts (Hopeton region), a Chauchila Yokuts (Dairyland region), and a Sutununthro Miwok (Mariposa region).

The largest single Thrayapthre baptismal group, three children and four adults, was baptized in July of 1827 in a highly mixed group that included an Uthrocos Yokuts (El Nido region), a Cuccunu Yokuts (Hopeton region), a Siucsianthre Yokuts (Chukchansi of the Raymond region), two Huathscomno [Putoyunthre] Miwoks (Hunter Valley region), a Telehua Miwok (Catheys Valley region), and a Sutunuthro Miwok (Mariposa region). Among that 1827 group was Thromquilmu, identified as the Thrayapthre captain (SJB-B 3659). In one entry for that group, Father Arroyo provides another language:

:''Teodomiro … de la misma tribu y nación Thrayapthre, últimos por aquel rumbo de la lengua común de los Tulares, o llano o bien, tierras bajas de los Rios'' [of the same tribe and nation of Thrayapthre, the farthest in that direction of the common language of the Tules, or plains, or better, of the low lands of the rivers] (SJB-B 3664).

This clue supports the conclusion that the Thrayapthre Sexto became a Miwok interpreter because he came from a Yokuts group that neighbored the foothill lands of such Miwok-speaking groups as the Telehua of the Catheys Valley region. Six more Thrayapthre children were baptized in 1828, three of whom were children whose mother was a Sutunuthro Miwok, presumably from the Mariposa region (SJB-B 3724, 3743, 3751). The last Thrayapthre baptism occurred in February of 1832, that of a woman (SJB-B 3965) with a mixed group of Chauchila Yokuts (Dairyland and La Grand regions) and Joyima Yokuts (Herndon region).

''Mission Marriage Patterns''. Only renewed marriages are documented for the Thrayapthre at Mission San Juan Bautista. None were internal to the group, suggesting that all of the baptized Thrayapthres were people who went to Mission San Juan Bautista with larger groups from other places. Two of the out-marriages (SJB-M 805, 844) were with Silelamne Yokuts (Planada region). One each were with a Quithrathre Yokuts (Atwater region), a Cuccunu Yokuts (Hopeton region), and a Putoyunthre Miwok (Hunter Valley region) (SJB- 692, 878, 931).

''Arroyo’s 1822-1827 Padron''. The Thrayapthre were one of three local Yokuts-speaking tribes that Father Arroyo de la Cuesta associated together in his 1822-1827 padron. In the document introduction to the padron he wrote:

:Following these [Hualquemne and Notoaliths] come the few from Cothmejait, Achila, and Thrayapthre, all descended from the same people [Arroyo de la Cuesta 1822-1827].

Further on, at the head of the ninth list in the padron, Arroyo wrote:

:Continuing with the Cothmejait, Achila, and Thrayapthre, who are very few here and often confused with the the Notoaliths, Huohual, Hualquimne, and Quithrathre … [followed by a list of 23 people, mainly Thrayapthre] … Of these, today, without doubt they are quite confused with all of those of the Merced River, and due to its good land they are as prone to flee as to remain here [Arroyo de la Cuesta 1822-1827].

Of the two groups with whom Arroyo specifically associated the Thrayapthre, the Achila are presumably the Atsnil of the Turlock region, while the Cothmejait are a mystery Yokuts group that may be equivalent to the Apelamene, who went to Mission Santa Clara from the confluence of the Merced and San Joaquin rivers (the Hilmar region). Thus, the Thrayapthre are linked to the Merced River Yokuts groups, who are believed to have spoken a Delta Yokuts dialect.

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
Expeditions into the Le Grand region from the 1820s forward do not mention any group called Thrayapthre. Instead, they usually refer to the local people in the region as Chauchilas. Thus, it is suggested here, the Chauchilas removed themselves eastward from the Dairyland region into the Le Grand region to escape interaction with the Mexicans, absorbing some of their Thrayapthre neighbors and scattering others to live among groups to the north (Silelamne), east (Telehua and Chukchansi), and south (Heuchi).

''Pico 1826''. Sergeant José Dolores Pico led a Mexican army expedition against horse thieves and fugitive Christians in the central San Joaquin Valley during the winter of 1825-1826. From Mission San Juan Bautista he came over Pacheco Pass and then went to the San Joaquin River in the Firebaugh region. From that point his diary is somewhat confusing. The interpretation put forth in the CPNC monographs is that he next moved east to the San Joaquin River in the eastern Herndon region, then turned north, arriving at Berenda Creek in the Madera region on the evening of January 4. He raided a village on a fairly large river the next morning, January 5, 1826, implying that is was a Joyima village:

:At about 4:00 o’clock in the morning I decided to make an attack on the village. … I then marched to attack the village mentioned above. I executed the assault and took by surprise as many as possible. However none of the malefactors who were being hunted was caught, because the houses of the village were buried deeply in the forest and were close to a stream. The latter formed an obstacle which could not be overcome, both because no one could be found who would give us a true statement of where it could be forded. All that was accomplished in this place was to capture forty natives, big and little, and one Christian from San Juan Bautista. This man had been married to a heathen woman for about four years and, since the latter had a very small daughter, I was obliged to leave her behind….

:I observed in the vicinity of this village that there were a great many almost fresh bones and hides of horses which the Indians had slaughtered [Pico in Cook 1962:182].

The only specific local tribe mentioned over those days was the “Jollimas” near the “Santa Ana” river, the latter name variously applied to the Fresno River and to Cottonwood Creek by the early expeditions. All travel directions and distances in the expedition suggest, however, that the village he attacked was on the Chowchilla River in the Le Grand region, to the north of Hoyima territory (the Herndon region). After attacking the village, he returned to Berenda Creek for the night, then moved south to the San Joaquin River and on to other adventures on January 6. In summary, this attack suggests that the Hoyima (Herndon region), Heuchi (Madera region), Thrayapthre (Le Grand region), and Chauchila (by then in the Le Grand region) were seen by the Mexicans as a single group, and may have been acting that way in response to the Mexicans.

''Rodriguez 1828''. Sergeant Sebastian Rodriguez led a party into the east-central San Joaquin Valley against horse-stealing Indians in April and early May of 1828. The precise route of the party is impossible to reconstruct from its diary, but the groups they attacked were the Chauchila, Heuchi, and Hoyima, and the areas they raided seems to have been on Cottonwood Creek (Herndon and Friant regions), the Fresno River (Madera and Raymond regions), and the Chowchilla River (Le Grand region). Rodriguez’s men raided a community they called the ''“Chausila,”'' probably in the Le Grand region, on April 30, 1828:

:I ordered Corporal Simeon with 17 soldiers and 16 Indian auxiliaries to go to the village of Chausila to see if they could catch either Christians or heathen, for these people are also horse eaters [in Cook 1962:185].

They returned to Rodriguez, who was also raiding the Heuchi (Madera region) and Hoyima (Herndon region), the next day. The May 1 entry reads:

:At 8:00 o'clock in the morning Corporal Simeon rejoined us. He had not encountered a single Indian in the Chausila country. They had all run to the mountains [Cook 1962:185].

The precise Chauchila village locations that Rodriguez raided in 1828 are unclear, but they were probably along the Chowchilla River in the Chowchilla region. The unbaptized portion of the Chauchila may already have amalgamated with Thrayapthre along the middle Chowchilla River in the Le Grand region by the time of this 1828 event.

''Ferguson, 1834''. Mexican raids against horse-stealing Indians were common during the 1830s, during which Indian children were often carried back to the settlements to become house servants. Mission baptismal or death records are the only surviving documentation for some of the raids. That being said, it is noted that naturalized Mexican citizen George Ferguson and his wife served as godparents for a little Chauchila Yokuts girl baptized at Mission Santa Clara on October 10, 1834. Father Moreno wrote that Maria Dolores Refugio, age five, was the ''“hija de Padres Gentiles, de los Chauchiles, traida por los del Pueblo de Guadalupe en una expedicion q.e hicieron a la Sierra Nevada; no se supo si tenia Padres vivos o si estan muertos'' [the child of non-Christian parents of the Chauchiles, brought by the townspeople of San Jose on an expedition they made to the Sierra Nevada; it is not known whether her parents are living or dead]” (SCL-B 8675).

''Fremont, 1845''. When John C. Fremont brought his third exploring expedition into the San Joaquin Valley from Sutter’s Fort in December of 1845, his men stumbled upon a “Chauchiles” village and engaged them in a battle. The diary description suggests the event’s location was not in either the Dairyland or Le Grand regions, but in the first hills of the Sierra just to the east. (See the CPNC Raymond region monograph for more details.)

==1846-1910 Historic References==
''Mariposa Indian War of 1851''. The Chauchila local tribe was a leading group in the Mariposa Indian War, a resistance against American traders and settlers which began in the fall of 1850 and culminated with the signatures of their leaders on US government Treaty N in April of 1851. At the time the Chauchila Yokuts seem to have been ranging through the Dairyland, Le Grand, and Raymond regions. (Since most of the events took place in the foothills and mountains, context and details about the war are presented in the CPNC Raymond region monograph.)

''Treaty N, 1851''. Five “Chow-chil-lies” chiefs signed the second federal treaty (later designated Treaty N) at a spot near the foothills on the San Joaquin River (in the Herndon or Friant region) on April 29, 1851 (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 2004:27, 30). Although the Le Grand region was probably the location of the signing of the first treaty (now called Treaty M) on “the Little Mariposa river” on March 19, the Chauchila had not signed it because they were part of the Mariposa Indian War resistance that month. The Chauchilas were among the representatives of 16 local tribes signing Treaty N, including most of the extant local tribes of the upper Chowchilla, San Joaquin, and Kings rivers. The Treaty N reservation was designed to stretch along the base of the Sierra from the Chowchilla River to the Kings River. Of note, the 16 signatory tribes were assigned to three groups by the commissioners, each under the leadership of one chief. The Chauchila, Heuchi, Chukchansi (all three Yokuts), Pohonichi, and Nuchu (both Sierra Miwok) were assigned to the northern group, with the Heuchi leader ''Nai-yak-qua'' as principal chief (Heizer 1972:72). Also of note, none of the Chauchila signatoriess had a Spanish name; they were ''Po-ho-leel'', ''E-keeno'', ''Kay-o-ya'', ''A-pem-shee'', and ''Cho-no-hal-ma'' (Heizer 1972:72-79).

''Fresno River Reservation 1854-1859''. The headquarters of the Fresno River reservation, established in 1854, was on the Fresno River at the east edge of the Madera region. Office of Indian Affairs reports from the Fresno River agency during the 1850s, now in the National Archives, have not been examined for this report. However, Cook (1955:71) did paraphrase the documents and noted a report by D. A. Enyart that 30 “Chowchilla” were at the Fresno Farm [a temporary federal reservation] in November of 1854, as well as a report by M.B. Lewis on August 30, 1859 to the effect that 85 “Chow-chillas “have moved from the Chowchilla to the Fresno River.”

''Powers 1877''. Powers did not publish information about Indian groups within the Le Grand region, or any areas of the east San Joaquin Valley plains between the Merced and San Joaquin rivers. His information came from his tour of the foothills farther east. In his chapter on Miwok-speaking groups, Powers (1877:349) listed a “Chau-chil’-la” group on the “Middle Chowchilla” River, essentially in the northern and central Raymond region. Since it is very clear that the original Chauchilas were Northern Valley Yokuts speakers, one wishes that more information was available about Powers’ source for his information.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
None of the classic ethnographers seem to have worked with Indian people who lived in the Le Grand region or claim to have hailed from it. Those who did address the area at all—Kroeber, Gayton, and Latta—seem to have received their sparse information from Chukchanci people living at Raymond, in the Coarse Gold region, and at Table Mountain in Fresno County.

''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber mapped the Le Grand region as part of the very large area of the Chauchila, an area also including the Dairyland region and parts of the adjacent El Nido andMadera regions. He wrote:

:The Chauchila or Chauchili, more correctly Chaushila or Chaushilha (plural Chaweshali), sometime also called Toholo, “lowlanders, westerners,” by the hill tribes, were in the plains along the several channels of Chowchilla River, in whose name their appellation is perpetuated [1925:485].

Kroeber mapped one village, Shehamniu, within the CPNC Le Grand region, which he assigned to his Chauchila:

:They lived at Shehamniu on this stream [Chowchilla River], apparently at the eastern edge of the plains, some miles below Buchanan [1925:485].

Kroeber’s map locations for villages are typically imprecise, and his location for Shehamiu village is probably no exception (Kroeber1925:Plate 47). It may have been anywhere from the distributary branching of the Chowchilla River upstream toward, but short of, Buchanan Reservoir.

Earlier mission records indicate that the Thrayapthre were the easternmost Yokuts speakers of the plains, as has been noted in the Mission Records discussion above. Kroeber (1925:485) noted, “The Chauchila are the first Yokuts tribe to have no upland neighbors of their own stock, the southern Miwok now being the easterners.” Kroeber’s information would be explained if the Chauchila had absorbed the Thrayapthre during the Mexican raids of the 1820s or following the Central Valley malaria epidemic of 1833. (Kroeber’s field notes indicate that his documentation for the Chauchila tribe was obtained in 1904 from Molly, a Hoyima Yokuts woman living on the Fresno River (Kroeber Field Notes, [BANC MSS C-B 925], Notebook 5709-21 column 1, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley).

''Gayton 1948''. Gayton understood that the original local tribe name “Chausila” came to be expanded, after the Mariposa Indian War, into a global term for all Northern Valley Yokuts speakers on the plain between the San Joaquin and Merced rivers:

:The Chowchilla were believed to be the ringleaders in resisting white domination, and their name at that time was used to cover native groups which lived on the Fresno and San Joaquin rivers, as a dialectic difference was recognized between their speech and that of the tribes to the south on the Kings and Kaweah rivers, who were called collectively Kaweah. (Or so do I interpret Bunnell’s usage of the names “Chowchilla” and “Kaweah.”) [Gayton 1948:153].

In a note, Gayton wrote that her 90-year-old informant Bill Wilson told Stanley Newman that he was a “Chowchilla,” although he represented himself as a Dumna to her (Gayton 1948:153). Gayton did not retrieve many details about the Yokuts people of the plains north of the San Joaquin River. From Bill Wilson, she learned the following seemingly-faulty (or poorly-contextualized) information.

At the present town of Chowchilla were the Nu’tsču. And on the Fresno River at Madera were the Čauši’la (Chauchila) whose head man was Opa’mči [1948:153].

The attribution of Chauchilas to the town (and region) of Madera, ethnographic Heuchi territory, reflects the post-1850 disruptions. Opa’mči, by the way, was probably the same person as “A-pem-shee,” one of the Treaty N signatories for the “Chow-chil-lies.” Also, other sources indicate that the “Nutscu” (Nuchu and Sutunuthro) were Miwoks originally from the Mariposa region. Some of them may well have lived and worked at Chowchilla, in the western portion of the Le Grand region, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

''Latta 1949''. Latta’s very general map in the inside cover of his 1949 edition shows the “Chauchila” in the Chowchilla River country from the San Joaquin River on the west to the edge of the Sierra foothills on the east, thus including most of the El Nido and Dairyland regions and all of the Le Grand region. He mapped the village of Shehamniu approximately where Kroeber had mapped it in 1925. Latta called the Chauchila (his ''Chauchila'') “the first Yokuts tribe about which anything definite is known,” perhaps in reference to Fremont’s 1845 documentation about them:

:These people were the only warlike tribe of Yokuts. They ranged along the Chowchilla River from the San Joaquin River on the west to the Sierra foothills on the east [1949:3].

Latta (1949:33-38) chose the Chauchila as the exemplary Yokuts tribe of the San Joaquin Valley plains. “This tribe has been known since its earliest contact with white people for its hostile attitude and horse stealing,” he wrote (1949:34). He sketched out a brief description of their probable pre-contact life ways, based upon extrapolation from better-documented groups. He then devoted four pages to Fremont’s ''Memoir'' excerpt regarding an 1845 encounter with Chauchilas at the edge of the foothills, probably in the adjacent Raymond region (see the CPNC Raymond region monograph for details). All in all, Latta’s 1949 information for the region does not reflect the rich ethnographic knowledge available to him from his informants for areas south of the San Joaquin River.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955''. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley, Cook (1955:76) mapped the combined Dairyland, southern El Nido, southern Le Grand, northern Madera, Raymond, and Nipinnawassee regions as lands of the “Chauchila.” In text, he noted that the vicinity was “very poorly represented in the early documentary sources,” but did cite Rodriguez to suggest that the original “Chauchila” population was probably 400 (Cook 1955:51). While Cook’s (1955:50-54) textual discussion of population density in the area does not comport with his mapping units, he did suggest an aboriginal population of 5.05 persons per square mile in the San Joaquin Valley here.

''Latta 1977''. In his 1977 edition, Latta continued the identification of the Chauchila with the Le Grand region and surrounding plains, but he changed the group name spelling to “Chauchela” and re-wrote his material on the group. He reprinted the Fremont ''Memoir'' excerpt in one section (Latta 1977:237-241), then added another section on their geography, in which he attributed the villages of Halau and Shehámniu to the Chauchela group on the basis of information from Pahmit (Dumna) and George Rivercomb (half-blood Chukchanci)(Latta 1977:156-159). (See the CPNC Dairyland monograph for more new “Chauchela” by Latta in 1977.)

''Wallace 1978''. The California volume (Heizer 1978) divided Yokuts groups into Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill segments to discuss the large Yokuts language territory in three conveniently-sized chapters. The Le Grand region was included within the arbitrary Northern Valley Yokuts chapter, written by William Wallace. Wallace (1978:462) mapped only one tribal group, the “Chawchila,” on the east San Joaquin plain north of the Fresno River. In text, he wrote, “Below the Merced came the Chawchila, on the plains along the several channels of the Chowchilla” (1978:466). Also in text, he followed Kroeber in giving them the villages of Shehamniu in the Le Grand region and Halau in the Madera region (Wallace 1978:470). Like all twentieth-century ethnographers, he was not aware of the Thrayapthre Yokuts. Overall, Wallace’s (1978) presentation of ethno-geographic information for his Northern Valley Yokuts area is not systematic and not always accurate.

MADERA REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:06Z

Paul: 1 revision

=MADERA REGION – HEUCHI LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Madera1.png|right]]The Heuchi local tribe of Northern Valley Yokuts-speakers (also spelled Euci, Euchi, Geuche, How-ech-ee, Huachi, and Hueche) lived along the Fresno River on the eastern San Joaquin Valley plain at the time of Spanish contact, according to a variety of Spanish and Mexican sources. Their territory approximated the CPNC Madera region, although their boundaries with surrounding groups cannot be precisely reconstructed. The Madera region is now predominately farmland surrounding the town of Madera in western Madera County. The Heuchi lived just to the east of significant Franciscan mission outreach, but 23 individuals from the group were baptized at Franciscan missions between 1817 and 1841. Mexican correspondences document the Heuchi as “horse thieves” in the late 1820s. Their population was probably reduced significantly by the 1833 malaria epidemic. The Heuchi signed federal Treaty N in late April of 1851, at which time the treaty commissioners designated their headman Nai-yak-qua as the representative of a cluster of five Fresno River-Chowchilla River-Mariposa Creek groups—the Heuchi, Chauchila, Chukchansi, Pohonichi, and Sutunuthru (Nook-choos). Today’s Indian groups of the Madera and Fresno county foothills probably include individuals with Heuchi Yokuts ancestry.

==Environment==
The Madera region is flat valley land at 200-400 feet in elevation along the east side of the San Joaquin Valley. The Fresno River runs westward through the southern portion of the region, while smaller Berenda Creek, also running generally westward, flows through the northern part of the region. Contact-era vegetation was predominately valley grassland, with scattered valley oaks in the eastern portion. Willows and cottonwoods lined the creeks.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
''Moraga-Muñoz 1806''. The Moraga-Muñoz expedition passed through the Madera region on October 11, 1806, on its way south along the east side of the San Joaquin Valley. About half way from their morning camp on the Chowchilla River (which they had labeled the Tecolate) they arrived at the Fresno River, which they called the Santa Ana:

:Having traveled about four leagues, we came upon an arroyo well populated with willow and some oak. It was found to be dry but had one huge pool. We called it the Santa Ana. It has low banks in that portion which trends toward the plain, or valley. … All the country we observed between the Tecolote (mentioned yesterday) and the Santa Ana is worse than bad. From the Santa Ana to the San Joaquin there is a little pasturage, although it is sparse and spread out widely. Some other stream beds are seen but none merit consideration; they might carry some water in the winter [Muñoz in Cook 1960:251].

The lack of mention of tribal people in this entry may indicate that the expedition did not make any contact with the local people in the Madera region, as Muñoz did write of encounters with local Indian people, and name them, along many other parts of his journey.

==Mission Register References==
The Heuchi did not move to the Franciscan missions in large numbers. Twenty-three Heuchis are identifiable in mission baptismal entries; they are scattered among the records of three missions over a long time period, from 1817 to 1841. Most, 20, were baptized at San Juan Bautista, while two were baptized at Santa Cruz and one at Soledad. As with so many groups, however, a few others may be hidden among those identified merely as ''“Tulares”'' people in 1830s records at San Juan Bautista and Soledad. No Heuchi headman was specified in the mission registers as having been baptized.

''Santa Cruz''. Presumably the first Heuchi ever baptized was a young man named ''Quiuech'' from “Huachi” rancheria. He was baptized in 1817 at Mission Santa Cruz as part of a small mixed group dominated by Nupchenche Yokuts (Santa Rita region), including Nupchenche headman ''Cholé'' (among SCR-B 1683-1698). Baptized as Cleto, Quiuech died years later as a fugitive in the San Joaquin Valley (SCR-B 1690, SCR-D 1805). The only other probable Heuchi baptized at Santa Cruz was a 12-year-old ''“Guachicoo”'' girl who was baptized alone in April of 1830 (SCR-B 2166); that spring a few Hoyima Yokuts (Herndon region) were appearing at San Juan Bautista, and some Pitcatchi Yokuts (Kerman region) were going to Mission Soledad.

''San Juan Bautista''. The 20 identified Heuchis at Mission San Juan Bautista were baptized between 1819 and 1841. The first two converts were a child and her mother, baptized in late 1819 among a group of Eyulahua and Copcha Yokuts, people just to the west of the Madera region whose societies were crumbling that year (SJB-B 2328, 2357). Six more Heuchis were baptized at San Juan Bautista in 1821 in large mixed groups of Quithrathre, Chauchila and Uthrocos Yokuts, from regions just to the north of Madera; in all six cases the Heuchi individuals were standing next to Chauchilas or Uthrocos at baptism (SJB-B 2675, 2713, 2756, 2886, 2925, 2930.) The next group of Heuchis of any size to be baptized were six women and adolescent girls baptized with neighboring Thrayapthres, Chauchilas, and some Merced River Yokuts on July 14, 1826 (among SJB-B 3595-3608). The last four Heuchis at San Juan Bautista were baptized in the post-mission era, two with Chauchilas in 1837 (SJB-B 4299, 4304), one with Yokuts from unlocated areas in 1839 (SJB-B 4392), and the last a lone eight-year-old in October of 1841 (SJB-B 4558).

''Soledad''. The single identified Heuchi at Mission Soledad was a 70-year-old woman named Ojuulut ''“de la Rancheria llamada Euce en el Tular, Norte de esta Mission … madre de Perpetua de la partida 2029'' [of the community called Euce, in the tule lands to the north of this mission … mother of Perpetua, baptized number 2029],” who was baptized by herself on November 5, 1829 (SO-B 2045). It is likely that she had moved to Soledad with her daughter, who was a Chauchila baptized in the summer of 1828, soon after the Rodriguez raids of the spring of 1828.

''Mission Marriage Patterns''. Among the few Heuchis who went to the missions were five who were spouses in pre-mission inter-group marriages. All were at San Juan Bautista. Three involved Chauchila Yokuts, one was to a Copcha Yokuts, and one was to a Wuimilchi Yokuts from the rather distant Riverdale region to the south. Previously unmarried Heuchis and widows/widowers were involved in another 13 mission weddings at San Juan Bautista and one at Santa Cruz. Most partners in those post-mission marriages were Nupchenche Yokuts (Santa Rita region), Eyulahua Yokuts (Firebaugh region), or Copcha Yokuts (Firebaugh/Cottonwood Creek region).

''Arroyo de la Cuesta’s 1822 Padron''. The Heuchi was the sixth group listed in Father Arroyo de la Cuesta’s 1822 padron for Mission San Juan Bautista. In the preamble to that work he noted that the “Gueche” combined with the “Chausila” [Yokuts of the adjacent Dairyland region] together made up only a half-sized group at the mission. Then in the text introduction to the group, following his Chauchila list, he wrote: “I continue to the Geuche Nation, who are nearly one with the Chausilas.”

===Table of Heuchi and Heuchi-Descendant Marriages at Franciscan Missions===

{|cellspacing="5"
!Mar.!!Date!!M-bapt!!Male name!!Native name!!M-Group!!Status!!F-Group!!Female name!!Native name!! F-baptism!!

|-
|JB0604||02/05/20||JB2164||Lucas||Locopuhs||Eyuslahua||SS||Geuche||Liberia||Yamaslat||JB2357
|-
|JB0659||12/20/20||JB2621||Grato||Topoths||Chausila||RR||Geuche||Grata||Mohohuat||JB2622
|-
|JB0675||04/11/21||JB2713||Cristino||Cunna||Geuche||RR||Chausila||Cristina||Suyosat||JB2714
|-
|JB0681||05/07/21||JB2183||Faustino||Chequin||Nopchinche||SS||Geuche||Trifosa||Pitetiths||JB2675
|-
|JB0719||09/10/21||JB2376||Nicostrato||Chigihue||Nopchinche||SS||Geuche||Aurelia||Huechilit||JB2886
|-
|JB0733||09/29/21||JB2924||German||Cosiths||Copcha||RR||Geuche||Germana||Omeyaths||JB2925
|-
|JB0849||08/19/23||JB2930||Nunilon||Conpos||Geuche||SS||Uthrocus||Waldetrudis||Huehuisit||JB3245
|-
|JB0874||10/25/24||JB2400||Salvador||Lochoquín||Copcha||VV||Geuche||Liberata||Yamaslat||JB2357
|-
|JB0945||12/19/28||JB2928||Niceforo||Chunoquiom Uthrocus||VS||Geuche||Ysabel||Jathrahuiths||JB3603
|-
|JB0947||12/19/28||JB2380||Felipe||Ojosic||Eyuslahua||VS||Geuche||Maria Cruz||Chaaga[s]at||JB3605
|-
|JB0948||12/19/28||JB2340||Gaspar||Gicha||Eyuslahua||SS||Geuche||Amelberga||Sucsunul||JB2756
|-
|JB0967||07/05/30||JB0175||Aycardo||-||Ochentac||VS||Geuche||Bresia||Comlehuil||JB3556
|-
|CR0778||05/09/31||CR1243||Yrineo||Yuojunas||Locobo||VS||Guachicoo||Josefa||Molilo||CR2166
|-
|JB0979||05/20/31||JB2382||Uvaldo||Mialéjau||Eyuslahua||SS||Geuche||Camila Cira||Thrua[ccmai]||JB3608
|-
|JB1015||05/06/33||JB3787||Isac||Mathnuiis||Siucsianthre||SS||Geuche||Marcelina||Chojoloc||JB3607
|-
|JB1016||05/21/33||JB2591||Nicandro||Silsilit||Uthrocus||SS||Geuche||Vicenta||Hueljat||JB2328
|-
|JB1080||09/03/36||JB2304||Facundo||Thrithrii||Nopchinche||SV||Geuche||Maria Cruz||Chaayacat||JB2328
|-
|JB1100||12/20/37||JB4304||Jose Antonio||Pooze||Geuchi||RR||Huimillike||Josefa||Cuila||JB4304
|-
|JB1101||12/20/37||JB4298||Jose Reyes||Guachica||Chausila||RR||Geuchi||Maria Concepcion||Yaijat||JB4299
|}

Note: data base as of 4-4-2009; “Status” column indicates prior marital status for groom and bride (R=renewing native marriage; S=presently unmarried and not previously married in church; V=widow or widower)

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
''Pico 1826''. Sergeant José Dolores Pico led a Mexican army expedition against horse thieves and fugitive Christians in the central San Joaquin Valley during the winter of 1825-1826. From Mission San Juan Bautista he came over Pacheco Pass and then went to the San Joaquin River in the Firebaugh region. From that point his diary is somewhat confusing. The interpretation put forth in the CPNC monographs is that he next moved east to the San Joaquin River in the eastern Herndon region, then turned north, arriving at Berenda Creek in the Madera region on the evening of January 4. The only specific local tribe mentioned in the area was the “Jollima” near the “Santa Ana” river; the latter name was variously applied to the Fresno River and Cottonwood Creek by earlier expeditions. It is suggested here that their camp was on Berenda Creek that evening. The next day they attacked a village on a high-flowing river, which by distance from the camp was probably the Chowchilla River (see Le Grand region CPNC monograph). In summary, this attack suggests that the Heuchi, Hoyima (Herndon region), Trayaptre (Le Grand region), and Chauchila (by then in the Le Grand region) were seen by the Mexicans as a single group, and may have been acting that way in response to the Mexicans.

After attacking the village, Pico returned to the presumed Madera region Berenda Creek camp for the night, then moved south to the San Joaquin River and on to other adventures on January 6. While moving south from the San Joaquin to the Kings River on January 10, Pico was told “that on the Kings River horses had been seen near the village of Gueches” (Pico in Cook 1962:182). It is more likely that Pico was referring to the Wechikit than to the Heuchi, and the original manuscript report should be consulted to recheck the spelling of the reference.

''Rodriguez 1828''. Sebastion Rodriguez raided the Heuchi on April 29, 1828, during another punitive expedition against horse-raiding groups on the Chowchilla, Fresno, and San Joaquin rivers:

:At about 2:00 o'clock in the morning I set out for the village called Teuche [sic] and did not find the inhabitants for they had already fled the previous day. I followed their tracks about 7 leagues into the mountains and in a very rocky place I came upon 2 Christian men, one Christian woman, all three from San Juan Mission, one heathen man, five women and two children. In all there were eleven. I then returned to the camp, reaching it about 7:00 o' clock in the evening.

:All these villages are stirred up by a Christian Indian from Mission San Juan, who came to tell them that the soldiers were on their way. This man arrived the day before I did, and after just being able to notify the Joyimas, immediately made a circuit through the north warning everywhere that horses are eaten. The heathen Indians stated that this Christian is called Delfino [Rodriguez in Cook 1962:185].

The only baptized individual likely to have been the “Delfino” mentioned in the quote was a Copcha (probably from the Cottonwood Creek region) who had been baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista at age 22 in 1818 (SJB-B 2396). Since the Madera region does not include Sierran lands, we conclude that the Heuchi had withdrawn into a neighboring region during the raid, and we speculate that the withdrawl was up the Fresno River into the Raymond region, or perhaps farther, into the Coarse Gold region. Note that four Hoyimas were baptized at San Juan Bautista in May, and more in the summer of 1828.

==1846-1910 Historical References==
''Mariposa Indian War of 1851''. The Heuchis were listed among participant groups from the eastern San Joaquin Valley and Sierra foothills who initiated a resistance against American traders and settlers between May of 1850 and late April of 1851, an uprising that came to be known as the Mariposa Indian War (see Phillips 1997). All of the actual clashes took place in foothill regions, mainly the Coarse Gold and Raymond regions, and Heuchi leadership does not seem to have been prominent among the participants. Details regarding the Mariposa Indian War are presented in the CPNC monograph for the Raymond region.

''Treaty N, 1851''. The “How-ech-ees” were among 16 local tribes of the upper Chowchilla, San Joaquin, and Kings rivers to sign federal Treaty N with U.S. commissioners at a spot near the foothills on the San Joaquin River on April 29, 1851 (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 2004:27, 30). Their five signatories were Nai-yak-qua, No-cheel, Chal-wak-chee, Par-sa, and Po-yai. The commissioners divided the 16 signatory local tribes into three sections for purposes of future interactions. The Heuchi were placed with the Chauchila Yokuts, Chukchansi Yokuts, Pohonichi Miwok, and Nuchu Miwok in the northern group, “which five tribes or bands acknowledge Nai-yak-qua as their principal chief” (Heizer 1972:72).

''Fresno River Reservation 1854''. The Fresno Reservation was established in 1854 at the eastern edge of the Madera region. Hoover et al. (1966:172) identify the ranch headquarters on the Fresno River Road, ten miles northeast of Madera, and cite an article in the ''Mariposa Chronicle'' of October 6, 1854, as follows:

:We learn that Mr. Henley, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, has leased the Adobe House and Ranch of Capt. Vinsonhaler on the Frezno [sic], and intends locating there for the present all the Indians originally belonging in that section, many of whom have heretofore refused to remove to the Tejón [Hoover et. al. 1966:172].

Cook (1955:71), who paraphrases the “Office of Indian Affairs” reports from the Fresno River agency during the 1850s (now in the National Archives), reproduces D. A. Enyart’s list of groups on the “Fresno Farm” reservation 1854; it included the “Chowchilla” and “Choot-chances,” but did not mention the Heuchi.

''Fresno Agency, 1859''. Cook (1955:71) paraphrased the “Office of Indian Affairs” report for the Fresno Agency by M. B. Lewis on August 30, 1859, which listed 18 members of the “How-ches, once large; always have been on the Fresno” (Cook 1955:71).

''Powers 1877''. The Heuchi are not among the various Yokuts tribes that Powers listed. However, he did gather information about a chief named Nai-ak-a-we, almost certainly the same person as Naiyakqua, who signed the 1851 Treaty N as the Heuchi chief:

:Nai-ak’-a-we was a famous prophet of the Chukchansi, who died in 1854. It is said that his name was known and his power was acknowledged from King’s River as far north as Columbia; but this seems hardly probable. … He sought … to reconcile the warring captains of villages and chiefs of tribes, and thereby harmonize them into one powerful nation. … But the question of a food-supply was one which this savage statesman, however able and far-sighted, could not master. … They had to scatter into families to collect food, and Naiakawe beheld one hope after another and one noble design after another pass away [Powers 1877:372].

Note that Naiyakqua was remembered during the 1870s as a Chukchansi, although he had signed Treaty N in 1851 as a Heuchi. Clearly, the great extent of land area attributed to the Chukchansi by the 1870s is a reflection of the extension of that term to include all Madera County Yokuts from anywhere along the Fresno River.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber (Plate 47) mapped the Heuchi generally on the Fresno River at Madera and to its west. This placed them within the eastern Cottonwood region, the Madera region, and the western Friant region. He wrote:

:The Heuchi, Heuche, Heutsi (plural Hewachinawi) had a large settlement at Ch’ekauy, on Fresno River 4 miles below Madera. They were certainly on the north side of this stream and may have had both its lower banks [1925:484].

Kroeber mapped Ch’ekayu within the Madera region. He also mapped a village called Halau within the Madera region, but was not sure if it belonged to the Heuchi or Chauchila Yokuts. “Halau, 'cane,' near Berenda … may have been in [Chauchila] range or that of the Heuchi” (Kroeber 1925:485). CPNC land areas suggest that it was probably a Heuchi village prior to the turmoil of 1820s and later.

''Gayton 1948''. Gayton had very little to say about the Yokuts people of the plains north of the San Joaquin River. What she does say derives from Bill Wilson, aged 90 at the time of her interview:

:On the Fresno River at Madera were the Čauši’la (Chauchila) whose head man was Opa’mči (Gayton 1948:153).

The attribution of Chauchilas to the town (and region) of Madera is probably a reference to the early twentieth century. Alternatively, Wilson may have fallen into the habit of subsuming the Heuchis into the more global term “Chauchila” by the early twentieth century. Note that Gayton wrote that Bill Wilson told Stanley Newman that he was a “Chowchilla” but told Gayton that he was a Dumna.

''Latta 1949''. In the inside cover of his 1949 volume, Latta mapped the Heuchi along the north side of the Fresno River below Madera. He had little to say about them in his text, writing only:

:The ''Heuchi'' claimed Fresno River from the San Joaquin River to the foothills. Their village of ''Chekayu'' was located on the north bank of Fresno River, about four miles below the present Madera [1949:3].

This information, about both the group location and the village of Chekayu, seems to be directly from Kroeber (1925), not from any Latta informant. All in all, Latta’s 1949 information for the Madera region does not reflect the kind of rich knowledge his informants had for areas south of the San Joaquin River.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955''. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley, Cook (1955:76) split the Madera region into two mapping areas, placing the southern portion of the Madera region in his Fresno River mapping area for the “Heuchi-Chukchansi-Dalinchi” (that also included parts of the Cottonwood Creek, Friant, Raymond, Coarse Gold, and Nipinnawassee regions), while placing the northern Madera region in his Chowchilla River mapping area for the “Chauchila” (that also included the Dairyland, southern Le Grand, southern El Nido, northern Raymond, and northern Nipinnawassee regions). In text, he noted that the vicinity was “very poorly represented in the early documentary sources” but brought together scraps of data regarding Mexican incursions against the Heuchi (Cook 1955:51). While Cook’s (1955:50-54) analysis of population density in the area, based upon a wide range of untestable assumptions gleaned from early records, did not comport with his mapping units, it did result in his suggestion of an aboriginal population of 5.05 persons per square mile in the San Joaquin Valley south of the Merced River and north of the Kings River.

''Latta 1977''. In his 1977 edition, Latta changed the group name spelling to “Chauchela” and re-wrote his material on the group. He reprinted the Fremont ''Memoir'' excerpt in one section (1977:237-241), then added another section on their geography, in which he attributed the villages of Halau and Shehámniu to the Chauchela group on the basis of information from Pahmit (Dumna) and George Rivercomb (half-blood Chukchanci) that was not published in 1949 (1977:156-159):

:Hala, the dwarf bamboo, or sugar cane, was common along most of the streams in Yokuts terrritory. At least three Yokuts villages were named for it. Best known were the villages on Kern Slough, on Berenda Slough and one directly west of where stands the present white village of Berenda. Both Rivercomb and Pahmit were informants about the Berenda locality. Pahmit knew the site when there were no whites in the San Joaquin Valley but was almost totally blind, so did not accompany me to the village of Hala on Berenda Slough.

:Rivercomb was born about 1858, and remembered helping his relatives cut cane there as early as 1875. He accompanied me to the old site in 1925 [Latta 1977:443-445].

Latta concluded the section with a detailed description of the two-day process of harvesting sugar from the cut cane. The subject is beyond the scope of this study.

''Wallace 1978''. The California volume (Heizer 1978) divides Yokuts groups into arbitrary Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill segments, to discuss the large Yokuts language territory in three conveniently sized chapters. The Madera region is included within the arbitrary Northern Valley Yokuts chapter, written by William Wallace. Wallace (1978:462) mapped the “Hewchi” on the east San Joaquin plain along the north side of the Fresno River. He wrote, “Below the Merced came the Chawchila, on the plains along the several channels of the Chowchilla, and the Heuchi, who held the north side, or perhaps both banks, of the lower Fresno” (1978:466). Also in text, he followed Kroeber in giving the village of Halau in the Madera region to the Chauchila (Wallace 1978:470). Overall, Wallace’s presentation of ethno-geographic information for his Northern Valley Yokuts area is not systematic.

HERNDON REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:05Z

Paul: 1 revision

=HERNDON REGION – HOYIMA LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Herndon1.png|right|Herndon Map]]The Hoyima local tribe of Northern Valley Yokuts-speakers are confidently placed as the contact-period inhabitants of the northern and central Herndon region, along Cottonwood Creek and a nearby stretch of the San Joaquin River, on the basis of Mexican expedition evidence and later ethnographic accounts. We are less confident about the extent of their land control in that portion of the Herndon region that lies south of the San Joaquin River. The Herndon region straddles the Fresno-Madera county boundary along the San Joaquin River; it is now the site of the small towns of Biota, Herndon, and Pinedale, as well as the northwest portion of the sprawling city of Fresno. While the Hoyima are well-documented to have lived on the north side of the San Joaquin River and along Cottonwood Creek, Kroeber indicated that the area south of the San Joaquin River belonged to the Pitkachi, another Northern Valley Yokuts-speaking local tribe. But if that was so, the Hoyima were pinned into a remarkably small area, while the Pitcatchi held an inordinately large area (see Kerman-region discussion of the Pitkachi). Kroeber placed the Wakichi, still another Northern Valley Yokuts local tribe, along the south side of the San Joaquin River in the Pinedale vicinity of the Herndon region, extending over into the Friant region to the east; the Wakichi, represented only once or twice in mission baptismal records, seem to have been a sub-section of the Hoyima, perhaps a single village group. Kroeber also placed one Hoyima village, Moyoliu, farther upriver in the Friant region. We tentatively suggest that Hoyima habitation on the San Joaquin River upstream from the Herndon region was probably part of the post-Gold Rush gathering of local tribes in the neighborhood of Fort Miller, now under Millerton Lake.

The Hoyima lived along the eastern edge of major Franciscan mission outreach impact; just to their west, the Copcha were completely absorbed into the mission system, while the Dumna to the east sent only a handful of people to the missions. Ninety-four Hoyimas were baptized, spread among four different missions (predominately San Juan Bautista) over the long time period of 1820-1842. Additionally, three Wakichi individuals were baptized at Mission Soledad. The baptized Hoyima had an inordinately high child to adult ratio (55 people under 15 to 42 over 15); most groups brought to the missions in the 1820s had twice as many adults as children, due to years of disease-induced infant mortality. The Hoyima at the missions also had a remarkably low representation of pre-mission married couples, only five, and a large number of widowed women. These demographic patterns, together with documentation of Mexican attacks on the Hoyima in 1826 and 1828 for horse raiding, suggest that the missionized Hoyima were the remnant portion of a partially-annihilated people.

Hoyima who did not join the Franciscan missions probably integrated with their Dumna, Heuchi, and Pitkachi Yokuts neighbors. The Hoyima did not sign the 1851 Treaty N with the other San Joaquin River Yokuts groups, although the interpreter for the treaty council, a man named Yoho, is tentatively identified as a Hoyima who had been baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista (see ''1851 Treaty Negotiations'' sub-section below). It is probable that some Hoyima descendents continue to live in Fresno and Madera counties today, while others exist as descendants of mission families, especially of Mission San Juan Bautista and Soledad families who lived in the Coast Range towns of west-central California in the late nineteenth century.

==Environment==
[[Image:Herndon_Photo1.jpg|left|200px|thumb|Photo of Herndon Region along Route 145]]The Herndon region is flat valley land with elevations varying from 220 feet on the west to 380 feet on the east. The region was well-watered from Sierran sources, with the San Joaquin River running westward through the south-central area, and smaller Cottonwood Creek through the north area. Native vegetation was predominately valley grassland, with scattered valley oaks in the eastern portion. Willows, cottonwoods, and occasional sycamores lined the rivers. A dense cottonwood grove bordered the San Joaquin River from Herndon almost to Pinedale, and a grove of valley oak occurred along the river north of Pinedale.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
''Moraga-Muñoz 1806''. The Moraga-Muñoz expedition explored the San Joaquin River within the Herndon region and adjoining region over the three days of October 11-13, 1806, on its way south along the east side of the San Joaquin Valley from central California to the Los Angeles basin. Scouting parties were sent upstream and downstream from a camp that was probably near the present town of Herndon. The expedition diarist mentioned only one village anywhere along the river, a “Pizcache” village that was probably in the valley of later Lake Millerton in the Friant region (Muñoz in Cook 1960:251). It is strange that the diarist did not mention any other village anywhere along the San Joaquin River, in the Herndon region or the adjacent Kerman or Friant region. It is also quite unexpected to find a village that identified itself as Pitkachi in what was probably the Friant region, since other evidence places the Pitkachi homeland either on the south bank of the San Joaquin River in the Herndon region, or downriver in the Kerman region. It may be that the villagers were trying to tell the Spaniards the name of their river, named after the group that lived much farther downstream.

==Mission Register References==
Ninety-four Hoyimas and three Wakichis were baptized over a long period of time (1820-1842) at four different missions. The largest groups of Hoyima were baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista between 1828 and 1832. Early groups went to Mission Soledad in 1822 and 1823. Four sick individuals were baptized at San Carlos Borromeo in the spring of 1828. The large groups at San Juan Bautista began to be baptized soon thereafter. Hoyimas continued to go to San Juan Bautista in small groups through the remainder of the 1830s. Also in the 1830s, seven Hoyima children were baptized at Mission Santa Clara, suggesting that they were being brought in to serve as house servants. Specifics are given below for each mission group, in order of first appearance at a mission.

''San Juan Bautista Baptisms''. Seventy-four identifiable Hoyimas were baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista, 49 of them over the years 1828-1830. The earliest Hoyima mission recruit was an 18-year-old man named ''Tosiena'' who was entered in the Mission San Juan Bautista baptismal register on November 18, 1820; said to be from the ''“nación o casta de Oyima,”'' he was baptized together with two Nopchinche Yokuts boys and two Chauchila Yokuts boys by Father Arroyo (SJB-B 2553-2557). The second Hoyima baptized was another 18-year-old man, Mesja, who was baptized by Father Arroyo at the end of a large group from mixed Merced River and Chowchilla River local Yokuts tribes on March 28, 1822 (SJB-B 3055-3089). In 1825 and 1827 individuals were baptized with groups dominated by Chauchilas (SJB-B 3531, 3684). Then in the summer of 1828 a group of 21 Hoyima children were baptized among a larger group of people otherwise from the Merced and Chowchilla rivers (among SJB-B 3715-3755). This was soon after the baptisms of Hoyima people at Mission San Carlos, Hoyima who were noted as having been brought in during the previous expedition (probably the Rodriguez expedition in January of 1828). Three adults were baptized in September and October of 1828? (among SJB-B 3761-71). On May 20, 1829 Arroyo baptized four Hoyima children and one Copcha Yokuts child, “whom their mothers brought to me voluntarily” (SJB-B 3807-3811); the entry for the last person in that group contains an atypically rich note listing the names of two specific Hoyima villages:

:Ninfa, the daughter of the gentiles Chalpiniths and Thrijelman, who both died on the 30th of March of this year at the locations of Ajitnau and Chohuonioni in the land of the Joyimas [SJB-B 3811, Arroyo de la Cuesta].

The last large group, 17 older children and young adults, were baptized July 1, 1830 (among SJB-B 3863-3881) along with one Dalinchi Yokuts (Coarse Gold region) and one Hualquemne Yokuts (Snelling region on Merced river); the group included ''Yojo'', who was mentioned above as the probable Yokuts translator for Treaty N in 1851. Eight Hoyimas were baptized in 1832 and two others in 1833. Then there was a break until 1838, when three young Hoyima women and an infant were baptized. Five more Hoyima young people were baptized at San Juan Bautista between 1839 and 1842.

''Soledad Baptisms''. Nine identifiable Hoyimas and two Wakichis were baptized at Mission Soledad over the years 1822 through 1833. The first three, all baptized amongst a large group of Pitkachis on August 13, 1822, were two “Uaguiichi” children (SO-B 1864, 1882) and one “X.ima” child (SO-B 1870). Next, five young Hoyimas were baptized in 1823, again in mixed groups with Pitkachis (among SO-B 1954-1961). Another was baptized singly in 1829 (SO-B 2038). In 1831 a young Hoyima man was baptized with individual Yokuts men from a fairly wide area: a Pitkachi Yokuts (Kerman region), a Chochichi (possibly Toltichi of the North Fork region), a Wechihit Yokuts (Sanger region), and a Dalinchi Yokuts of the Coarse Gold region (among SO-B 2079-2083). Through the rest of the 1830s scores of Wechihits and Gashowus were baptized at Soledad, along with some Tachis, Wimilchis, Dumnas, and Dalinchis, but no more Hoyimas.

''San Carlos Borromeo Baptisms''. No large groups of Yokuts speakers were ever brought for baptism to Mission San Carlos Borromeo, which became an administrative center after 1810. Nevertheless, over the years a number of Yokuts individuals were baptized at San Carlos who had been brought to the Monterey Presidio for incarceration or into the households of Mexican citizens as “employees.” Four tribal Hoyimas appeared, the first on May 26, 1828 (soon after the return of the Rodriguez punitive expedition—see below). Father Sarría wrote:

:I baptized privately under conditions of extreme necessity a little creature of about two years of age, child of non-Christian parents, the father [illegible] and the mother Seacon, brought from the Tulares during the last military expedition … they are from the rancheria or nation called Oímas … he died after his baptism” [SCA-B 3551].

Two days later, on May 28, Sarría baptized another Hoyima infant at Mission San Carlos, child of a Copcha father (SJB-B 2689) and Hoyima mother:

:I baptized privately a little girl who was found to be gravely ill, a child of a neophyte from Mission San Juan Bautista called Teodosio and a gentile woman called Pilemjat, brought from the Tulares under the same conditions … the above mentioned Christian, had fled to those lands, where he still remains [SCA-B 3552].

On the following day, Sarría baptized yet another Hoyima infant on the verge of death at San Carlos:

:I baptized … a little boy, gravely sick, the child of … Jalica and Ichia, both from the nation of the Oima of the Tulares, brought here as I have indicated … [SJB-B 3553].

Also on May 29,1828, Sarría baptized the critically ill child of a Chauchila father and Hoyima mother (SJB-B 3554). These four infants are the only identifiable tribal Hoyimas in the San Carlos Borromeo records.

''Santa Clara Baptisms''. Seven Hoyima children were baptized at Mission Santa Clara, all between 1834 and 1839. In all cases the parents were gentiles who cannot be shown to have been subsequently baptized, although in two of the cases a reference was made to the effect that the children’s mothers lived at Mission San Juan Bautista. The first of the seven, two-year-old Maria Soledad, was baptized on October 5, 1835 and was said to have been “born in the Sierra Nevada, the child of gentile parents called Joyimas” (SJO-B 8674). The final four of the seven were all baptized in October of 1839 (SJO-B 9979-81, 9986); they included the two whose mothers were said to be at San Juan Bautista. These Mission Santa Clara Hoyima baptisms almost certainly reflect the practice by Mexican Period families of bringing children who were captured during punitive raids into the household as family servants.

''Mission Marriage Patterns''. Hoyimas were partners in five renewed pre-mission marriages at the missions, all during the years 1830-1832. The small number of these renewed marriages reflects the small number of adult Hoyimas ever baptized at the missions. In three of the renewals, both spouses were identified as Hoyimas (SJB-M 963, 965, 995). In one renewal case the husband was a Hoyima and the wife a Dalinchi Yokuts from the Coarse Gold region (SJB-M 964). In the only renewed marriage at Mission Soledad, the husband was a Pitkachi Yokuts from the Kerman region and the wife a Hoyima (SO-M 643).

Previously unmarried and widowed Hoyima men were spouses in three mission marriages: at Soledad a bachelor (a Wakichi) married a Dalinchi Yokuts woman (SO-M 642); at San Juan Bautista one Hoyima bachelor married an Utrocos Yokuts woman from the El Nido region (SJB-M 3867), while another married an Eyulahuas Yokuts woman from the Firebaugh region (SJB-M 3761). Previously unmarried and widowed Hoyima women were spouses in 13 mission marriages between 1823 and 1845. The first three took place in late 1823, when Felicitas Ouctela married Estevan Joiyio (who was either a Kiwech Yokuts of the Oro Loma region or Cutocho Yokuts of the Mendota region), Basilisa Guanets married a Pitkachi Yokuts named Martin Sojets, and Germana Miamii married a Pitkachi named Jose Manuel Choliic (SO-M 585, 586, 588). Another nine Hoyima women married at Mission Juan Bautista between 1826 and 1845; their husbands were Chauchila Yokuts (two cases), Copcha Yokuts (two cases), Cuccunun Yokuts (two cases), Nopchinche Yokuts (one case), Eyulahuas Yokuts (one case) and Unijaima Costanoan/Ohlone (one case). Finally, in an atypical case, a Hoyima woman baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista as Raynalda Chojialit moved north to Mission San Jose to marry long-time Christian Francisco Xavier of the Ompin Bay Miwok (SJO-M 2308).

''Arroyo’s 1822 Padron''. Father Arroyo de la Cuesta wrote his 1822 Mission San Juan Bautista Padron and completed its important additions prior to the arrival of large numbers of Hoyimas in 1828. He did list two “Oyima” people as part of the thirteenth group in the Padron. At the beginning of that entry, he wrote: “Here are the first people from other nations, e.g. Oyima, Siucsanthre, Pitcathre, Putoyanthre, as was made evident in the Book of Baptism and the Census, and with this it [the overall list] is finished for now.” Father Arroyo did not extend the list when large numbers of Hoyimas came to his mission for baptism in 1828 and 1829.

===Table: Hoyima and Hoyima-Descendant Mission Marriages Through 1845.===
{|cellspacing="5"
!Marr.!!Date!!M bapt!!Sp. name!!Ind. name!!Group!!Status!!Group!!Sp. name!!Ind. Name!!F bapt.!!

|-
|SO0585||11/26/23||JB2012||Estevan||Joiyio||Cutocho||VS||Joyima||Felicitas||Ouctela||SO1958||
|-
|SO0586||11/26/23||SO1849||Martin||Sojets||Pitcache||SS||Joyima||Basilisa||Guanets||SO1961||
|-
|SO0588||02/18/24||SO1847||Marcial||Choliic||Pitcache||SS||Joyima||Germana||Miamii||SO1960||
|-
|JB0907||05/11/26||JB2187||Yndalecio||Guatahi||Copcha||VS||Joyima||Teona||Quimoilit||JB3531||
|-
|JB0963||07/02/30||JB3878||Bernabe||Cholojo||Joyima||RR||Joyima||Bernabela||Muscas||JB3879||
|-
|JB0964||07/02/30||JB3880||Donato||Güasia..||Joyima||RR||Dalinchi||Donata||Chagüaca||JB3881||
|-
|JB0965||07/05/30||JB2553||Ciro||Tosiena||Joyima||RR||Joyima||Cira||Güonomjót||JB3877||
|-
|JB0995||01/03/32||JB3957||Gregorio||Taláquis||Oyima||RR||Joyima||Teresa Jesus||Chohuinis||JB3963||
|-
|SO0642||09/01/32||SO1864||Heliodoro||Pochots||Uaguichi||SS||Talinchi||Petra||Chauanit||SO2110||
|-
|SO0643||10/03/32||SO1848||Jacome||Haex||Pitcache||RR||Joyima||Brigida||Kokiluat||JB3961||
|-
|JB1014||05/06/33||JB3761||Emilas||Pitpis(?)||Oyima||SS||Eyulahuas||Estefana||Selmat||JB2320||
|-
|JB1048||07/22/34||JB2341||Trifon||Tahuajan||Eyulahuas||SS||Joyima||Praxedis||Chiuquilit||JB3736||
|-
|JB1049||08/23/34||JB2308||Epimaco||Huogthrii||Nopchenche||SS||Joyima||Marta||Jayama||JB3865||
|-
|JB1052||09/23/34||JB0036||Remigio||Totoho||Unijaima||VS||Joyima||Maria||Huechilit||JB3754||
|-
|JB1074||12/15/35||JB2557||Deciderio||Huoquinic||Chausila||SS||Joyima||Pascuala||Dehensiat||JB3866||
|-
|JO2308||07/06/73||JO2389||Fran.co Xvr||Pustá||Ompin||VS||Joyima||Reynalda||Chojalit||JB3872||
|-
|JB1098||11/25/37||JB3867||Maurino||Cónsono||Joyima||SV||Uthrocos||Elena||Chojolol||JB2681||
|-
|JB1112||06/09/38||JB2800||Ciriaco||Sainom||Cuccunu||SS||Joyima||Trinidad||-||JB4338||
|-
|JB1113||06/09/38||JB2187||Indalecio||Guatahi||Copcha||VS||Joyima||Maria Josea||Ciutat||JB4339||
|-
|JB1114||06/09/38||JB4300||Jose Maria||Pilijoi||Chausila||SS||Joyima||Maria Dolores||Chochuet||JB4340||
|-
|JB1189||07/01/45||JB3159||Principio||Juichustul||Cuccunu||SS||Oyima||Encarnacion||-||JB4253||
|}

Note: database as of 1-6-2009; Status column indicates prior marital status (R=renewing native marriage; S=presently unmarried and not previously married in church; V=widow or widower)

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
''Pico 1826''. Sergeant José Dolores Pico led a Mexican army expedition against horse thieves and fugitive Christians in the central San Joaquin Valley during the winter of 1825-1826. From Mission San Juan Bautista he came over Pacheco Pass to the Los Banos area. On January 2 he encountered and raided a newly erected village containing mixed tribal and fugitive mission Indians on San Joaquin River in the Firebaugh region. The next day he moved eastward in search of fugitives who had gone to a village of the “Jollimas.” The diary is not clear about precise directions, but according to the interpretation of this CPNC study, he crossed the San Joaquin River at Firebaugh and moved east on the plain through the east portion of the Firebaugh region, and then all the way through the Herndon region, ending up that evening at a place called ''Monte Redondo'' without having encountered any village at all (Pico in Cook 1962:181). The Monte Redondo camp on January 3 was among a grove of trees which travel distances and directions on previous and subsequent days suggest to us was along the San Joaquin River west of Pinedale (in the eastern part of the Herndon region). (Note that Cook [1955] proposed, on the basis of the same opaque expedition diary clues, that Monte Redondo was south of the San Joaquin River in the vicinity of the modern city of Fresno.)

The next day, January 4, 1826, Pico left the Monte Redondo camp and traveled eight leagues (about 20 miles) north. Cook’s translation reads: “We reached a stream called San Joaquin and Santa Ana from which the village of the Jollimas was reconnoitered, the village being about two leagues [five miles] distant from the stream” (Pico in Cook 1962:181-182). Cook’s translation may be in error, as Estudillo’s 1819 map marks two separate streams, the well-known San Joaquin and to its north the “Santa Anna Joyima” presently known as Cottonwood Creek. Presuming that Cook’s translation is incorrect, we suggest Pico left the San Joaquin River camp in the Herndon region, crossed the “Santa Anna” or Cottonwood Creek, and arrived at Berenda Creek, having passed from the Herndon region into the Madera region. Pico raided the village the next morning, that of January 4. No tribal name other than Hoyima was mentioned, but it is assumed that the particular Joyimas that Pico was seeking had retreated north to a Trayaptre or Chauchila village on the Chowchilla River, and it was that village in the Le Grand region, five miles north of Berenda Creek, that was raided on January 4.

Following the January 4 attack, Pico moved back southeast to the San Joaquin River, this time closer to the Sierra in the Friant region. Over a number of days he then moved south into the Kings River vicinity. On the Kings River, Pico wrote an entry that shows that Hoyima individuals accompanied him south. At his camp near Kingsburg on January 13, after two days of uncomfortable interactions with the Wimilche Yokuts, Nutunutu Yokuts, and probable Chukamina Yokuts, Pico received intelligence about impending trouble:

:A chief of the Hoyima, whom we had with us as guide, had told one of the interpreters, that in the sweathouse that same night he had heard these heathen talking to each other. Some were saying that now it would be seen who were the brave among the soldiers, and others answered, yes, now we would see. On being told these things I realized that all these wild Indians were against us [Pico in Cook 1962:183].

(See the CPNC Hanford region monograph for discussion of the events of January 12-13, 1826 on the Kings River.)

''Rodriguez 1828''. Sergeant Sebastian Rodriguez led a party into the east-central San Joaquin Valley against horse-stealing Indians in April and early May of 1828. The precise route of the party is impossible to reconstruct from its diary, but the groups they attacked—Chauchila, Heuchi, and Hoyima—and the areas they raided seem to have been on Cottonwood Creek (Herndon and Friant regions), the Fresno River (Madera and Raymond regions), and the Chowchilla River (Le Grand region). To reach those areas, we suggest that the Rodriguez party first crossed San Joaquin River on April 23, then traveled by night eastward over the plain between Cottonwood Creek and the San Joaquin River to Monte Redondo, probably just west of Pinedale and the San Joaquin River in the east portion of the Herndon region:

:I set out at about 5:00 o'clock in the afternoon, heading for the place called Monte Redondo, but I did not arrive until dawn of the 25th because the guides got lost [Rodriquez in Cook 1962:184].

The troops seem to have slept during the day at Monte Redondo. In the late afternoon or evening they left in an unspecified direction for a location that they called ''El Potrero'' ("the horse pasture").

:This day [the 26th] I set out for the place called El Potrero, which I reached at about 11:00 o'clock at night. I established myself there until the soldier Norberto Garcia should return, whom I had sent out with four men to scout the village of the Joyimas, where the horses were eaten [Rodriguez in Cook 1962:184].

Trying for secrecy, Rodriguez moved at night. The Potrero staging camp was near a Hoyima village, probably on Cottonwood Creek somewhere southeast of Madera. Leaving their camp gear and most of their horses, Rodriguez, his soldiers, and his Indian auxiliaries attacked the village in the early morning hours of April 26:

:This Garcia got back about 2:00 o' clock in the morning [of the 26th]. I immediately started out, leaving Corporal José Avila with four soldiers and four Indian auxiliaries to guard the horses and baggage. At about one eighth of a league before reaching the village I ordered Corporal Simeon Castro with 10 soldiers and 15 Indian auxiliaries to cross to the north side of the river,while I remained on the south side. However only five men on horseback, with Corporal Castro were able to get across because it was extremely muddy. We continued to approach the village which was between the two channels of the river in a willow thicket very difficult to penetrate. The party which was on the south side, before reaching the village, bogged down in some very miry tule swamps. Corporal Simeon got as close as 80 yards, more or less, from the village when the neighing of a horse gave the alarm to the heathen. They instantly seized their weapons and fired several arrows. Seeing this Corporal Simeon opened fire and killed two Indians. The party on the south entered the village, part on foot, part on horseback, killed 3 Indians, and captured 8 men and 7 women together with some boys and girls, the total being 26 souls. We found 27 horses, of the herd belonging to the Soberanes, the flesh of which the Indians had been eating for three days, after the animals had been killed with arrows. In the brush there may have been 60 to 80 more horses.

:Shortly a heathen chief told us about the village of Guche, whose people came to the Joyimas to eat horses, and also about another village higher up the river where they ate horses. Thereupon I ordered Corporal Simeon Castro to go and look at these villages while I stayed to look after the prisoners and soldier José Bermudes [and another soldier] both of who were soaked to the waist. Corporal Simeon found no people at the first village; only one horse which ran into the hills. Then the Corporal went to the other village and found no people, only the remains of horses. The tracks of the people went into the mountains [Rodriguez in Cook 1862:184-185].

The location of the two empty villages reconnoitered from the attacked Cottonwood Creek village is not at all clear. One of them was “Guche, whose people came to the Joyimas” suggesting that it was a Heuchi village. Yet in the following paragraph, which documents his retreat, certainly back to the location where his camp supplies were waiting, Rodriguez wrote that all three villages belonged to the Hoyimas, perhaps using the local tribe name as a collective term for a consortium of resisting groups:

:As soon as everyone had rejoined me I had all the horse meat burned, not leaving the Indians as much as a quarter to eat. Then, after those who were wet had dried out, I retired and made camp at about 1:00 o' clock in the afternoon. The meat at the other two villages was not burned. The dead horses may have amounted to 100. These three villages are all part of the tribe of Joyimas, and when horses are brought in they are divided up among the Indians who caught them, to be eaten at leisure. We captured a Christian woman from Soledad and another one from San Juan who had a small boy likewise Christian [Rodriquez in Cook 1962:185].

After resting the evening of April 26, Rodriguez followed guides into the mountains at 1:00 AM on April 27, certainly into the neighboring Friant region, but whether toward Bates or toward Indian Springs/Bellevue is not clear:

:I started out at about 1:00 o' clock in the morning toward the mountains in pursuit of those who had fled. I went about 8 leagues into the mountains to the place where they are accustomed to camp when they run away. When we found nobody, the guide, who was actually one of the prisoners, told me that the Indians must be still behind us.

With the news that they had actually passed the fugitives, the Rodriguez party turned back toward the plain, encountering some fugitives at an unlocatable village, probably on Cottonwood Creek near the Friant/Herndon regional boundary:

:So I went back, as the guide told me, and came upon two women whom we caught. They gave us the information where the rest of the people were. The soldiers whose horses were least tired went out and captured 5 men, 19 women, and 13 boys and girls. I lost the interpreter and 5 Christian auxiliaries. When I arrived at the village where the dead men were, I came upon 8 men including two chiefs who came out fighting and captured one chief, a Christian from San Juan and 3 women. Of those who got away seven encountered our troops while we were leaving the mountains. They were captured, among them a Christian from San Juan and two of the horse thieves, heathen, one named Selli, and the other Salmi. As soon as all had reunited I retired to the camp, which we reached about 7:00 o'clock in the evening [Rodriguez in Cook 1962:185].

On April 30 the Rodriguez party definitely moved north to Heuchi country in the Madera region, then continued northward to the Raymond and Le Grand regions before turning west with 142 arrested Yokuts people toward Mission San Juan Bautista.

==1846-1910 Historic References==
''Mariposa Indian War of 1851''. The Hoyima were not mentioned in the primary reports regarding the Mariposa Indian war, which began on the Fresno River in December of 1850 and spread through tribally-inhabited areas from the Stanislaus to the Kings River, continuing into April of 1851 (Phillips 1997). During that time, the Hoyima may have been considered a sub-group of the Pitkachi or Heuchi (both of which were mentioned in the relevant primary literature). See the CPNC Raymond region monograph for greater detail regarding the Mariposa Indian War.

''1851 Treaty Negotiations''. The Hoyima were not among the groups that signed the unratified treaties of 1851. Yet U.S. government commissioners Barbour, McKee, and Wozencroft signed Treaty N with 16 local tribes on the San Joaquin River, probably in Hoyima territory in the Hernden vicinity, on April 29, 1851 (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 1997:92-94). Among the Yokuts groups of the general San Joaquin vicinity who did sign were the Heuchis (Madera region), Dumnas (Friant region), Cas-sons (Gashowu, of the Clovis region at that time), and Pitkachis (originally Kerman region, probably Friant region by 1851).

An interesting perspective on the Hoyima and the 1851 gathering for Treaty N comes from Latta’s (1949:217-223) interviews during the 1920s with Pahmit, a Dumna man who had been born at a village now drowned beneath Millerton Lake (Friant region). Pahmit believed himself to have been about 21 years old back in 1851. He remembered James Savage and remembered attending the signing of Treaty N. He told Latta that he was related to four of the men who signed Treaty N. They included his grandfather, Tom-quit (who signed for the Pitkachi), his father Tap-pa (who signed for the Dumna), his Uncle Tomas (who signed for the Cas-son [Gashowu]), as well as Co-toom-se (who signed for the Chukchansi). Although the Hoyima are not listed among the signatories of Treaty N, the man that Pahmit remembered as the translator for the U.S. commissioners was probably a Hoyima:

:That Indian belong our people long time ‘go. When he little boy, Spanish preacher take him Mission San Juan. At San Juan he learn read, write, talk like white man. Big white chief call him Charlie. Our people call him Yo’-ho. Then Yoho talk us long time. He talk, ‘n talk, ‘n talk. … He say we got give big Father at Washington all our land [Latta 1949:220].

That interpreter, Yoho, was probably the Hoyima named “Yojo” who was baptized at age 11 at Mission San Juan Bautista in 1830 (SJB-B 3869). We surmise that the Hoyima had ceased to exist as a coherent tribal group and that Yojo and other of the living Hoyimas in 1851 were integrated with their Pitkachi, Heuchi, and Dumna neighbors.

''Fresno River Agency 1851-1859''. The headquarters of the Fresno River reservation, founded in 1851, was on the Fresno River at the east edge of the Madera region. Office of Indian Affairs reports from the Fresno River agency during the 1850s, now in the National Archives, have not been examined for this report. However, Cook (1955:71) paraphrased some of the relevant documents and Phillips (2004) used them to reconstruct the 1850s history of the agency. Remarkably, the Hoyima local tribe is not mentioned in any of the relevant documents, strongly suggesting that it no longer existed as an independent group by that time period.

''Powers 1877''. Powers noted only two local tribes along the entire west-flowing portion of the San Joaquin River west of Mono territory. “On the San Joaquin, from Whisky Creek down to Millerton, are the Chūk’-chan-si; farther down, the Pit’-ka-chi, now extinct” (Powers 1877:370). To those who spoke with Powers, the Hoyima seem to have lost their place in history.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Merriam 1903''. Merriam (1967:416) learned about the San Joaquin River tribes from Mrs. Matthews, “an old Kosh’-o woman”, during a visit to the Millerton-Table Mountain area on October 30, 1903. She told him about the Dumna, Gashowu, Pitkachi, and Chukchansi Yokuts, but did not mention the Hoyima:

:The Pit-kah’-te or Pitkatche inhabited the plain and lower San Joaquin up to Pullasky (the name of which has since been changed to Friant). … Another tribe, named Woh-kee'-che and closely related to the Pit-kah'-te, lived on the south side of San Joaquin River lower down. They are now extinct (Merriam 1967:417).

The last reference here must be to the Wakichi Yokuts, mapped by Kroeber (1925:Plate 47) on the south side of the San Joaquin River from the east portion of the Herndon region up to Little Dry Creek in the Friant region.

The Merriam archives at The Bancroft Library in Berkeley includes the Yokut Stock Code “22k. Ho-ye’-mah,” suggesting that more Hoyima material exists there in his manuscript entitled ''Yokuts Tribes and Villages'' (Merriam 1969:9, 18; see also Heizer 1966:44, Map 5).

''Kroeber 1925''. Kroeber’s 1925 ''Handbook'' information on the Yokuts groups of Madera County is based on field work he did before 1910 at Millerton, Table Mountain, and Raymond. Molly, a 1904 informant for the Chauchila and Chukchansi dialects, had a Hoyima mother (see Kroeber 1963:180 for information on Molly and for pertinent field notebook citations).

Kroeber (1925:Plate 47) mapped three Yokuts local tribes in the CPNC Herndon region: the Hoyima along the north side of the San Joaquin River, eastward from Herndon to the mouth of Little Dry Creek; the Pitkachi along most of the south bank of the San Joaquin River; and a small group, the Wakichi, on the south bank of the San Joaquin in the eastern portion of the region. Kroeber wrote:

:The Hoyima, Hoyim’a, or Hoyimha (plural Hoyeyami) were also on the San Joaquin where it still flows west, but opposite the Pitkachi; in other words, on the north side. They may have ranged as far as Fresno River. They had settlements at K’eliutanau, on a creek entering the San Joaquin from the north, and at Moyoliu above the mouth of Little Dry Creek. They were not without fighting proclivities, and at times engaged the Chauchila of the plains and the Chukchansi of the hills [Kroeber 1925:484].

Kroeber (1925:Plate 47) mapped Moyoliu upstream from the Herndon region, within the Friant region that other evidence gives to the Dumna Yokuts. Kroeber did not map K’eliutanau at all, probably because no creek flows into the San Joaquin from the north anywhere from Herndon to the mouth of Little Dry Creek. The nearest creek from the north is in the Friant region, in the general area where Kroeber placed the Moyoliu.

Kroeber (1925:484, Plate 47) gave that portion of the Herndon region along the south side of the San Joaquin River, as well as the adjacent Kerman region to the west, to the Pitkachi Yokuts. He placed two alternate locations of the Pitkachi village of Kohuou, one directly on our mapping border between the CPNC Herndon region mapping unit and the Kerman region, and the other at Herndon itself, in the center of this region. We suggest that any Pitkachi habitation in the Herndon region and farther east probably reflects post-mission period upstream crowding along the San Joaquin River from the west (see Pitkachi discussion in the CPNC Kerman region monograph).

The small Wakichi group appears on Kroeber’s (1925: Plate 47) map along the south bank of the San Joaquin River, from its northeastward bend at Pinedale east to lower Little Dry Creek in the Friant region. He wrote:

:The Wakichi or Wa’kichi, plural wakeyachi, were on the same side of the river [south-ed.] but farther up, not quite opposite the Dumna, and just below the Kechayi. Holowichniu, near Millerton, was in their territory. This location would suggest that the Wakichi were part of the northern foothill group, but a few preserved phrases of their dialect indicate that it belonged to the valley division (Kroeber 1925:484).

One wonders if Wakichi may have been a synonymous term for Hoyima. A research effort is needed to pour over Kroeber’s original field notes, and those of other relevant ethnographers, to find out if any single native consultant knew about both groups and clearly distinguished them.

''Gayton 1948''. In the San Joaquin River portion of her 1948 monograph, Anna Gayton focused on the foothill people and collected only sparse notes about the plains. Bill Wilson (Latta’s Pahmit), a Dumna of the Friant region, did tell her: “Below the Dumna on the San Joaquin, and occupying both sides of the river were the Hoi'yima (Hoyima), and beyond them the Tuko'yo” (1948:153). (The term Tuko’yo may refer to the Tucusuyu/Zucuy Yokuts, discussed in the CPNC Mendota region monograph.) Gayton also wrote that “a'tbu”, which Latta placed as a Hoyima village on the San Joaquin River in the Herndon region, was “the main Dumna village at Millerton” (Gayton 1948:153).

''Latta 1949''. Latta’s (1949) text indicates that his primary consultant for the Hoyima was Pahmit, a man with a Pitkachi grandfather, Dumna father, and Gashowu and Pitkachi uncles (see the previous section). Latta (1949:4) gave the south side of the San Joaquin River in the Herndon region to the Pitkachi; he placed the Hoyima within the central and northern portion of the Herndon region, and also gave them most of the Cottonwood Creek region further west.

On the north side of the San Joaquin River, between the foothills and the Big Bend at Mendota, were the ''Hoyima''. About a half mile below the Herndon bridge was the Hoyima village of ''Chayo''. Another Hoyima village was located about three miles upstream from the Herndon bridge. It was named ''Atabo'' (Ah-tah’-bo). On both sides of the San Joaquin, about two miles above Lane’s Bridge, was the Hoyima village of ''Yimshu''. On the north side of the San Joaquin River and about three miles above the mouth of Big Dry Creek, was the Hoyima village of ''Moloyu'' (Latta 1949:4).

The first two villages on the list, Atabo and Chayo, can be generally placed in the Herndon vicinity. However, neither Yimshu nor Moloyu can be mapped. Yimshu was said to have been about two miles upstream from “Lane’s Bridge.” We have not found any other historic reference to the site of Lanes Bridge, as a result of a cursory web-based search.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955''. Cook (1955:76) mapped the Friant region as the Dumna Yokuts area of his “Upper San Joaquin River” zone in his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley and adjacent Sierra, probably following Kroeber (1925). For that San Joaquin zone, he reprised all possible population information about the early San Joaquin River tribes, including a review of the Pico 1826 and Rodriguez 1828 visits (Cook 1955:51). With a mixture of factual information and guesswork, he arrived at an average population density of 5.05 persons per square mile for the San Joaquin Valley and adjacent foothills between the Merced and Kings Rivers (1955:53).

''Latta 1977''. In his 1977 edition, Latta (1977:161) repeated information from his 1949 edition, except that he altered the spelling of the group name to “Hoyumne” and of three of the village names—Chayo to “Chayou,” Atabo to “Atabau,” and Yimshu to “Yimshau.” He gave no explanation, but one can speculate that he added the “-mne” termination to the local tribe name to support a general argument that he made in 1977 that such an ending was a Yokuts tribal marker.

''Wallace 1978''. The California volume (Heizer 1978) divided Yokuts groups into Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill, to discuss the large Yokuts language family territory in three conveniently-sized chapters. The Herndon region was included within the arbitrary Northern Valley Yokuts chapter, written by William Wallace. Wallace (1978:462) mapped the Hoyima on the north side of the San Joaquin River, the Pitkachi along the southern side of the San Joaquin, and the Wakichi on the south side just upstream from the Pitkachi. In text, Wallace (1978:466) wrote, “On the north side of the San Joaquin where it flows across the lowlands before turning north lived the Hoyima; on the opposite bank were the Pitkachi, and farther upstream, the Wakichi” (Wallace 1978:466). The placements follow Kroeber (1925). Overall, the chapter should be considered a secondary source on Yokuts ethnogeography.

FRIANT REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:03Z

Paul: 1 revision

=FRIANT REGION – DUMNA LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Friant1.png|right]]The contact-period homeland of the Dumna, speakers of Northern Hill Yokuts, is confidently placed in the Friant region of Madera and Fresno counties on the basis of a large amount of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historical and ethnographic information. Ethnographic Dumna villages were documented by a number of early twentieth-century ethnographers along the San Joaquin River in the vicinity of the present town of Friant, in the nearby valley now flooded by Millerton Lake, and west of the river at Bellevue (now Indian Springs) in the Sierra foothills. There is no evidence, on the other hand, for the Dumna or any other group holding the western portion of the Friant region along upper Cottonwood Creek. The northern part of the Friant region, in the foothills around Bates, was assigned by Kroeber (1925) to the Chukchansi. On the south, Kroeber and Latta (1977) placed the poorly-documented Wakichi local tribe along the San Joaquin at the mouth of Little Dry Creek and below. It is argued here that the entire Friant region probably belonged to the Dumna at historic contact, because the people of their villages along the San Joaquin River would have needed seasonal use of a variety of open-country habitats to maintain their relatively dense population. We infer that the Wakichi on the south and Chukchansi on the north probably moved into the Friant region during historic times, under pressure from the Mexicans and later the Americans.

The Dumna homeland was to the east of major Franciscan mission outreach in the early nineteenth century. Ten Dumnas appear in mission baptismal registers, all at Mission Soledad over the years 1822 (two men, one woman, one child with a Pitkachi group), 1830 (two children with some Gashowus), and 1832 (two children, one man with Gashowus and Dalinchis). Three Dumna men signed federal Treaty N in late April of 1851, at which time the treaty commissioners designated Tom-quit, who signed the treaty for the Pitkachi, as the leader of the Dumna as well as of the Pitkachi, Gashowu, and Dalinchi Yokuts and the Posgisa Monos, for purposes of interaction with U.S. representatives. After the treaty was signed many neighboring local tribes moved to the Fresno Farm on the Fresno River, just west of the Friant region. The Dumna, however, stayed on the San Joaquin River in the vicinity of Fort Miller, a U.S. Army post constructed in the valley of current Millerton Lake in May of 1852. There they were joined by the Kechayi Yokuts of the adjacent Auberry region, as well as Pitkachi Yokuts (Kerman region) and Goshowu Yokuts (Clovis region). Survivors of these four local tribes, together with some Chukchansi, Heuchi, and Hoyima who moved to the Friant area from the Fresno Farm during the late nineteenth century, came to be known to locals and U.S. authorities as the Millerton Band. They secured some land for farming in the Millerton Valley prior to 1910, but had to move when the valley was flooded for the reservoir. Today many of their descendants are associated with Table Mountain Rancheria in the Auberry region, just east of the Friant region.

==Environment==
[[Image:Friant_Photo2.jpg|left|thumb|200px|Photo of Friant Region along Route 41]]The Friant region lies along the eastern edge of the San Joaquin Valley and reaches up into the first tier of the Sierra Nevada foothills; elevations varying from 340 feet in the west up to 1,840 feet in the northeast. It is well-watered by the San Joaquin River, which breaks out of the foothills in the eastern portion of the region (at current Friant Dam, which creates Millerton Lake). Small seasonal streams flow southwestward from the foothills in the central area of the region, and perennial Fresno River passes through the far northwest portion of the region. Native vegetation of the plain was valley grassland, with occasional valley oaks. The hill country to the east was largely blue oak savannah, with some oak-grey pine woodland, chaparral, and pure stands of blue oak. Valley oaks, as well as willows and cottonwoods, were common along the San Joaquin River.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
''Moraga-Muñoz 1806.'' On October 13, 1806 a scouting party of the Moraga-Muñoz expedition was sent upstream into the Friant region from the party’s San Joaquin River rest spot (in the Herndon region), as it passed south through the length of the San Joaquin Valley (Muñoz in Cook 1960:251). The expedition diarist mentioned only one village anywhere along the river, a “Pizcache” village that was probably in the valley of present-day Lake Millerton:

:The party went to scout and explore the San Joaquin River. One section of the group went down the river and the other up the river toward the mountains. The latter discovered an abundance of pine and redwood but farther in the interior of the mountains, on the bank of the river they descried a village called Pizcache of about 200 souls, with a chief named Sujoucomu [Muñoz in Cook 1960:251].

The Spaniards learned a detailed story from these “Pizcache” about a battle twenty years earlier with Spanish soldiers from, the party speculated, New Mexico. These “Pizcache” may or may not have been actual Pitkachi Yokuts, a group that most evidence associates with the CPNC Kerman region, 25 miles to the west. Pizcache was also noted on a list kept by Muñoz of the names and populations of villages they encountered:

:Pizcache … This village may contain about 200 people. Four were baptized, two old men and two old women [Muñoz in Cook 1960:253].

Could these Indians at a Friant-region village have been Dumnas who were trying to tell the Spaniards the name of their river? Alternatively, it may be that all the valley groups along the San Joaquin River had moved to the mountains to harvest acorns, leaving some downriver Pitkachis to harvest salmon along the river in the Friant region. Whatever may really have been going on, it takes some imagination to make sense of this report.

==Mission Register References==
''Mission Soledad Baptisms.'' A small number of identifiable Dumnas, only nine in all, were baptized at the Franciscan missions. All nine appear in the Mission Soledad baptismal records over eleven years, from 1822 through 1833. The first four Dumnas—two men, a woman, and a boy—appeared at Mission Soledad among a large group of Pitkachis in 1822; all were members of a single extended family (SO-B 1873, 1893, 1901, 1913). After a mystifying seven-year absence, two Dumna girls were baptized in 1830 (SO-B 2055, 2059) with Pitcache and Dalinche Yokuts individuals. A boy and a girl were baptized in 1832 (SO-B 2124-25) with two Gashowu Yokuts. Finally, a Dumna man (SO-B 2159) was baptized in late 1833 with two Dalinchi Yokuts and two Gashowu Yokuts. Their complete absence from the Mission San Juan Bautista records suggests that the Dumna went to that mission under a different name. The only probable Yokuts (marked by female personal names) splinter group at Mission San Juan Bautista that is currently unreferenced to the landscape is the Quilisquilis group. But there seems to be no way of proving whether or not they are the same people as the "Dumna" of Mission Soledad.

''Mission Marriages:'' Dumna people were involved in only two mission marriages, both at Mission Soledad and both renewed pre-mission marriages. The first, involving a Dumna man and woman, occurred in 1822 (SO0M 570). The second, involvind a Dumna man and a Gashowu woman, took place in 1833 (SO-M 663). At Mission San Juan Bautista, none of the five Quilisquilis people (who may or may not be the same as the Dumnas) ever married.

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
''Pico 1826.'' Sergeant José Dolores Pico led a Mexican army expedition against horse thieves and fugitive Christians in the central San Joaquin Valley during the winter of 1825-1826. From Mission San Juan Bautista he came over Pacheco Pass and then went to the San Joaquin River in the Firebaugh region. From that point his diary is somewhat confusing. We interpret the rather opaque directional information in the diary to indicate that Pico moved east to the San Joaquin River in the eastern Herndon region on January 3, turned north to attack a village on the Chowchilla River in the Le Grand region over January 4 and 5, then came back south on a mission to find “the villages of the Pichicaches and the Guimilchis” and stopped at some river, probably the San Joaquin River near modern Friant, on January 6 (Pico in Cook 1962:182). At the river they took shelter against heavy rains on January 7. For January 8 the diary reads:

:At dawn the river has risen so high that we were cut off and could not get over it and the branches of the river were so swollen that I did not dare to risk a crossing, particularly since I was told that the waters would soon recede [Pico in Cook 1962:182].

Pico’s men built rafts and ferried their gear and horses the next day, and on January 10 they headed south (their east) to the Kings River vicinity. Pico made no mention of interaction with any Indians while in the Friant region.

''Rodriguez 1828.'' Sergeant Sebastian Rodriguez led a party to the east-central San Joaquin Valley against horse-stealing native people in April and early May of 1828. Although the expedition diary does not explicitly document the route of the party, it seems to have headed directly east from Pacheco Pass to the northern part of the Herndon region. It attacked a Hoyima village just southeast of Madera before sunrise on April 26, then went into the mountains to the northeast after Hoyima and/or Heuchi fugitives just after midnight on April 27. The Mexican probe was certainly into the Friant region and headwaters of Cottonwood Creek, but whether to the Bellevue/Indian Springs area or the Bates area cannot be determined. The vague diary clues are found in the quote below:

:I started out at about 1:00 o'clock in the morning toward the mountains in pursuit of those who had fled. I went about 8 leagues into the mountains to the place where they are accustomed to camp when they run away. When we found nobody, the guide, who was actually one of the prisoners, told me that the Indians must be still behind us [Rodriguez in Cook 1962:185].

Next Rodriguez turned back toward the plain, encountering some fugitives at a village somewhere west of Bates and east of Madera:

:So I went back, as the guide told me, and came upon two women whom we caught. They gave us the information where the rest of the people were. The soldiers whose horses were least tired went out and captured 5 men, 19 women, and 13 boys and girls. I lost the interpreter and 5 Christian auxiliaries. When I arrived at the village where the dead men were, I came upon 8 men including two chiefs who came out fighting and captured one chief, a Christian from San Juan and 3 women. Of those who got away seven encountered our troops while we were leaving the mountains. They were captured, among them a Christian from San Juan and two of the horse thieves, heathen, one named Selli, and the other Salmi. As soon as all had reunited I retired to the camp, which we reached about 7:00 o'clock in the evening [Rodriguez in Cook 1962:185].

The camp to which he returned may have been just southeast of Madera, perhaps in the Trigo area of the Herndon region. But the activity earlier that day had definitely taken place along the foothill/plain boundary in the Friant region. The Rodriguez party left the area the following day, moving north to Heuchi country in the Madera region, then to the Raymond and Le Grand regions, and eventually brought 142 mission fugitives and tribal resisters westward to Mission San Juan Bautista.

==1846-1910 Historic References==
''Naglee 1847.'' A United States army expedition under Henry Naglee went into the hills along the San Joaquin River in search of horse-stealing Indians in early June of 1847. Phillips (1993:144) summarized the military dispatches: “Naglee and his men followed the San Joaquin River upstream to the mountains, where they contacted Tomquit, leader of the Pitkachi, and thirty of his followers.” In order to have entered the mountains, the party must have come at least as far up into the Friant region as the valley now under Millerton Lake. This indicates that Tom-quit and the remnant Pitkachis (from the Kerman region) were living among the Dumna at this early date. No clash occurred, suggesting that Naglee did not consider the Pitkachi and Dumna to be the horse thieves.

''Mariposa Indian War of 1851.'' The Dumna were not mentioned in the primary reports regarding the Mariposa Indian war, which began on the Fresno River in December of 1850 and spread through tribally-inhabited areas from the Stanislaus River on the north to the Kings River on the south, continuing into April of 1851 (Phillips 1997). When killing of settlers began on December 17, 1850, it seems to have been led by Chauchila Yokuts, Chukchansi Yokuts, and Pohonichi Miwoks. However, Mariposa County Sheriff Burney visited Chief Tomq-uit of the Pitkachis on the San Joaquin River, and immediately thereafter Burney warned all settlers along the river to leave the area. Most did not. On December 25, over one hundred Indians attacked a miners' camp and ferry in what may be the later Cassidy’s Bar area along the San Joaquin River, an area now flooded by Millerton Lake. One miner was killed and ten were wounded (Phillips 1997:47). Although hostilities between Indians and the newly formed Mariposa Battalion continued until April, the Pitkachis were not mentioned as hostile participants in primary sources cited by Phillips. (See the CPNC Raymond region monograph for details regarding the Mariposa Indian War.)

''Treaty N, 1851.'' Dumna was among 16 local tribes of the upper Chowchilla, San Joaquin, and Kings rivers to sign federal Treaty N with U.S. commissioners on April 29, 1851, essentially bringing the Mariposa Indian War to an end. Three “Toom-nas” marked the treaty, Hat-chu-loo, Tap-pa, and Po-sha (Heizer 1972:78-79). The Treaty N reservation territory, as described in the treaty text, was to be a very large stretch of plain along the base of the Sierra from the Chowchilla River to the Kings River (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 2004:27, 30). The treaty commissioners divided the 16 signatory local tribes into three sections for purposes of future interactions. The Dumnas were placed in the central (San Joaquin River) group with the Pitkachi Yokuts, Gashowu (Cas-son) Yokuts, Dalinchi Yokuts, and Posgisa Monos, “which five tribes or bands acknowledge Tom-quit as their principal chief” (Heizer 1972:72). (See Latta notes in the Classic Ethnographic References section below for discussion of descendants of Tom-quit, some of whom were Dumnas).

''Fresno River Agency 1851-1859.'' The headquarters of the initial Fresno River Reservation, founded in 1851, was on the river at the east edge of the Madera region. Office of Indian Affairs reports from the Fresno River agency during the 1850s, now in the National Archives, have not been examined for this report. However, Cook (1955:71) paraphrased some of the relevant documents. D. A. Enyart’s 1854 report did not mention the Dumna or any of the five tribes who had signed Treaty N under Tom-quit as living at the “Fresno Farm,” the name for the agency headquarters, that year. It is probable that they all moved to the vicinity of Fort Miller, built at later Millerton on the San Joaquin River, in May of 1852 (see Phillips 1997:99). In 1855 Enyart reported “at least about 1,000 to 1,500 Indians on the River" (i.e., the San Joaquin). On August 30, 1859, M.B. Lewis listed the Pitkachis and Dalinchis among 22 local tribes which recognized the Fresno Agency as their headquaters, but did not list the Dumna at all (Cook 1955:71). Phillips (2004:222), in another summary of that 1859 report, placed the Pitkachi and Dalinchi at “Millerton.” This may be a hint that the Pitkachi and Dumna had by then merged under the leadership of Tom-quit, whose own descendants considered him to be a Dumna (see ''Latta 1949'' in the Classic Ethnographic References section below).

''Powers and Powell 1877.'' Powers noted only two local tribes along the entire east-west flowing portion of the San Joaquin River west of Mono territory. “On the San Joaquin, from Whisky Creek down to Millerton, are the Chūk’-chan-si; farther down, the Pit’-ka-chi, now extinct” (1877:370). The Dumna were not even mentioned, suggesting that many local tribes were being lumped together under the labels Chauchila and Chukchansi by the 1870s.

John Wesley Powell published a probable Dumna word list obtained by Powers in the appendix to Powers' 1877 ''Tribes of California''. The list is labeled “Wi’-chi-kik” (presumably Wechihit): “Wi’chi-kik. Obtained by Mr. Stephen Powers at Coarse Gold Gulch, California, in 1872, from Tu’-eh, an Indian of the tribe” (Powell 1877:570). Yet Wechihit is a Southern Valley Yokuts language and the world list in question is clearly Northern Hill Yokuts in character, matching known Dumna material perfectly. The list is further associated with Dumna through the probable mission record genealogy of Tu’-eh. A native infant named Tueh was christened Eugenio at Mission Soledad in 1832; in the baptismal record his father was identified as a Dumna, his mother as a Gashowu (SOL-B 2124). Tu’-eh not only acted as Powers’ interpreter in 1872, but took him to a Yokuts ceremony (possibly a Ghost Dance) at Coarse Gold Gulch ((1872:385)). Despite that association, Powers never documented Tu’-eh’s Dumna and Gashowu heritage.

''Leupp 1909.'' The Millerton band was one of a number of Indian groups visited and aided by the U.S. Office of Indian Affairs between 1905 and 1908. Commissioner F. E. Leupp wrote the following in 1909:

:The Indians of the ''Pollasky'' or ''Millerton'' Band, living near Pollasky, Fresno County, numbering 33, have been accustomed to eke out their attempts to support themselves by agriculture, with tribute levied upon the salmon of the San Joaquin River. This largely influenced the purchase for them of 140 acres from Adam Bollinger across the river in Madera County, at a cost of $1500. This tract contains garden land, 80 acres of hay land and pasturage, and wood in abundance. In addition there has been withdrawn from all forms of settlement for the benefit of these Indians 80 acres of Government land adjoining that purchase, making a total area for their use of 220 acres [Leupp 1909:7].

The 1905-1906 census of California groups by Indian agent C. E. Kelsey, which may provide more information about the Millerton Band, has not been examined for this monograph (see Kelsey 1971).

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Merriam 1903.'' Merriam (1967:416) learned about the Dumna and neighboring local tribes from Mrs. Mathews, “an old Kosh’-o woman,” during a visit to the Table Mountain area on October 30, 1903:

:The Indians now living on Table Mountain are Kosho’-o, Pit-kah’-te, Toom’-nah, and Chuk-chan’-sy. The Chukchansy country is north of the San Joaquin River, extending north to Fresno Creek.

:The Pit-kah’-te or Pitkatche inhabited the plain and lower San Joaquin up to Pullasky (the name of which has since been change to Friant).

:Another tribe or subtribe, called Tomnah but speaking the same language as the Pit-kah’-te, lives on the south side of San Joaquin River a little above Pullasky. Mrs. Matthews’ grandmother was a Toom’-nah but she speaks of the tribe and language as Pit-kah’-te. Her father was a Kosho’-o. She speaks both languages….

:Table Mountain is a high lava plateau … This tableland was the ancient home of the Tomm-nah tribe. They call it Sis’-loo” [Merriam 1967:417].

The nearest villages to Table Mountain were actually those of the Kechayi Yokuts, not the Dumna. For that reason it is mapped in the Auberry CPNC region, just to the east of the Friant region. Nevertheless, here is evidence that the Dumna regarded Table Mountain as their homeland. Perhaps it was the creation spot for a number of local tribes along the San Joaquin River.

''Kroeber 1925.'' Kroeber worked with a number of people at Millerton and Table Mountain. Kroeber (1963:180) cites his work on a Dumna linguistics and geography with Mrs. Mathews, the information to be found in his Field Notebooks 6333-52 and 6368-75 at the Bancroft Library. He worked with Mrs. Mathews at Table Mountain on January 12, 1906. Despite the fact that he regarded her as a Dumna, he documented her Yokuts tribal background as quite mixed:

:Mrs. Matthews’ father was raised among Gashowu from a Gashowu father and a Dumna mother. Her mother was raised among Chukchansi, of a Chukchansi father and a Dumna mother [Kroeber 1963:180-181].

Kroeber also worked with Bill Wilson (Latta’s Pahmit and Mrs. Matthew’s half-brother) of Millerton, Molly (part Chukchansi, Chauchila, and Hoyima) near Raymond, Jim Johnson at Raymond, and Dick Neale at Picayune (see Kroeber 1963:180-181 for field notebook references). From some or all of them he built his 1925 map and text. Kroeber (1925: Plate 47) mapped the Dumna lands on the north side of the San Joaquin River in the Friant-Millerton Lake vicinity. He wrote:

:The Dumna (plural Dumanisha) were on the north side of the San Joaquin about opposite the Kechayi. Their range took in the country opposite Millerton: Table Mountain; the mouth of Fine Gold Creek; and Bellevue, which they called Dinishneu” [1925:481].

Dinishneu, in Madera County north of the San Joaquin River and five miles north of Friant, seems to be the location shown on USGS topological maps as Indian Springs.

''Gayton 1948.'' Anna Gayton (1948:part 2, iv) gathered Dumna ethnogeographic information from Bill Wilson (Latta’s Pahmit), who was said to be 90 years old when she worked with him in 1925. She wrote that his knowledge of tribal locations was “definite as to direction but hazy and conflicting with other information on specific locus” [1948:153].

:The center of Tu’mna (Dumna) territory was at Millerton where their largest village (A’tbu) was located. B. W. gives the word ho’ as its name, and Tci’ as the Gashowu name: I interpret this not as a specific name but as the word for village, or possibly even tribe. The chiefs at the Millerton rancheria were To’mkit (Tom Wilson, B. W.’s father), next We’sča, then Čokε’t [1948:153].

Gayton then listed nine Dumna village sites, with the caveat that their locations were enough in doubt that she could not map them (1948:153).

:1. ho’: a Dumna village [a generic term, not a name ?]
:2. tci’: a Gashowu village [a generic term, not a name ?]
:3. Tewa'nčo: old village site 1/2 mile west from B. W.'s house at Friant
:4. čai’ čiyu: old village site about 1 mile east from B. W.’s house
:5. huku’ktuktu: ½ mile south of no. 4
:9. a'tbu: the main Dumna village at Millerton

Some of this information contradicts that received by Latta (1949), who identified Atbo as a Hoyima village in the Herndon region and Kuyu Illik as the main Dumna village at Millerton.

Informants from other areas gave Gayton information about the Friant region, as well. Ellen Murphy, Gayton’s Kechayi Yokuts informant, stated that “Šanwo'ganiu” was a “Dumna village on the San Joaquin River (the Millerton Court House stood on the spot" (Gayton 1948:160). Gayton (1948:160 [footnote 50]) pointed out that this village’s name is “actually Penutianized ‘San Joaquin.’” A Miss Thrall gave Gayton village information from three Chukchansi informants, including a reference to “kasowu: Friant” which Gayton (1948:175) noted with doubt as “the locality or the people, Gashowu?”

''Latta 1949.'' Latta identified the southeastern part of the Friant region as Dumna land, and the northern portion as Chukchansi Yokuts territory. He discussed ethno-geographic information relative to the Dumna, and to the Dumna boundary with the Kechayi Yokuts (of the CPNC Auberry region), at the beginning of his study:

:At the junction of Little Dry Creek and the San Joaquin River were the ''Wakichi'', and above them the ''Kechayi''. Table Mountain on the south side of the San Joaquin River and upstream from present Millerton Lake in Kechayi land, was called ''Tapu Chilow''. South of Table Mountain was the village of ''Muhnowlo''. North of Table Mountain, on a large flat by the river where the Indians speared salmon, was the Kechayi village of Kiahno. During the time when salmon were running, every bush and most of the ground in the vicinity was red with drying salmon.

:East of the Kechayi, on both sides of the San Joaquin were the ''Toltichi''.

:Opposite the ''Kechayi'' were the ''Dumna''. Little Table Mountain, on the north side of the San Joaquin River in Dumna land, was called ''Shishilu''. South of Little Table Mountain, on a small flat, was the Dumna village of ''Chahtaou''. Near the river was the village of ''Wayahchu''. ''Wumwumwus'', meaning rock pile, was the Dumna name for the round lava cap a half mile northwest of the Indian settlement above Friant. White people in that locality call this hill The Pincushion. At the bottom of Lake Millerton and south of the old San Joaquin River channel was the Dumna head village of ''Kuyu Illik''. North of the river and below Friant Dam about five miles was the Dumna village of ''Iuhpin'' (Latta 1949:4-6).

Regarding the western portion of the Friant region (away from the San Joaquin River), Latta (1949:3) wrote, “Above the ''Heuchi'', on the south side of Fresno River, were the ''Chukchansi'', a foothill tribe.” Latta assigned both Cheyau and Dinisheu, west of the San Joaquin River, to the Chukchansi:

:On the location of the later white village of Bates, on upper Cottonwood Creek, was the Chukchansi village of ''Cheyau''. Farther east, and about six miles south of O’Neals, was the village of ''Dinishneu'' [1949:4].

Latta’s informant for the Friant area, Pahmit (aka Bill Wilson), was living in the Millerton Lake vicinity when Latta interviewed and photographed him. In a later section of his first edition, Latta published Pahmit’s oral history of activities during the time of Treaty N and early Fort Miller (Latta 1949:4, 220-222).

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955''. Cook (1955:76) mapped the Friant region as the Dumna Yokuts area of his “Upper San Joaquin River” zone in his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley and adjacent Sierra, probably following Kroeber (1925). For that San Joaquin zone, he arrived at an average population density of 5.05 persons through application of a difficult-to-follow logic based on spotty information from early diaries (1955:53).

''Latta 1977''. In his 1977 edition, Latta (1977:162) repeated information from his 1949 edition, including details about four Dumna village locations in the Friant region, with slight variations in spelling and the notation that “the Dumna head village of Kuyu Illik” was called Sulphur Water in English (1977:162).

''Spier 1978''. The California volume (Heizer 1978) divided Yokuts groups into Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill, to discuss the large Yokuts language territory in three conveniently sized chapters. The Friant region was included within the Foothill Yokuts chapter, written by Robert Spier. Spier (1978:471) mapped the Dumna on the north side of the San Joaquin River at Millerton Lake and then north nearly to O’Neals, an area equivalent to the eastern third of the Friant region. (The Yokuts chapters in the California volume do not assign the western portion of the Friant region to any group at all.) All in all, Spier’s Foothill Yokuts chapter is an uneven, secondary source.

FIREBAUGH REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:02Z

Paul: 1 revision

=FIREBAUGH REGION – EYULAHUAS AND COPCHA LOCAL TRIBES=

[[Image:Firebaugh1.png|right|Firebaugh Map]]
The Eyulahuas and Copchas, two Northern Valley Yokuts-speaking local tribes, shared a stretch of the San Joaquin River in the vicinity of the modern town of Firebaugh according to the most likely interpretation of a small number Spanish expedition diary references. The Firebaugh region is drawn to encompass that stretch of river and plains to the east and west, in Fresno and Madera counties. The Copcha were encountered along the San Joaquin River in the Firebaugh region by two Spanish expeditions. The Eyulahuas were encountered in the same general area by yet another expedition. That might suggest that Eyulahuas and Copcha were synonymous terms for one group. Yet the two groups were consistently distinguished in the mission records. Text provided below in the ''Mission Register References'' section describes the overlapping and intermingled patterns of Copcha and Eyulahua baptism at Mission Juan Bautista during the 1817-1822 period. Five Copcha stragglers were baptized at San Juan Bautista between 1826 and 1832, often with Heuchi relatives from the Madera region. Three Copchas were baptized at Mission Santa Cruz, but no Eyulahuas are identified at Santa Cruz. A hint from an early record indicates that some Eyulahuas went to Mission Soledad, but they have yet to be identified there among the many people said to be from the “Tulares.”

All in all, it seems that all of the Eyulahuas and more than half of the Copchas joined the missions. Missionized survivors and their children at the end of the Mission Period were integrated into the San Juan Bautista population. Those Copchas who did not join the missions moved east to join their Heuchi and Hoyima Yokuts neighbors. They were probably hard-hit by the 1833 malaria epidemic. Nevertheless, some of their descendants may have been among the mixed Yokuts groups on the early Fresno River and San Joaquin River reservations after 1850.

==Environment==
[[Image:Firebaugh_Photo1.jpg|200px|left|thumb|Photo of Firebaugh Region along Route 33]]The Firebaugh region lies on the flat lands at the heart of the San Joaquin Valley. Most of the region consists of low marshlands, lakes, and plains along numerous distributary channels of the San Joaquin River at 120-150 feet in elevation. Elevation gradually rises on the west to 220 feet on the Panoche/Silver Creek alluvial fan and on the east to 180 feet on the plain north of Cottonwood Creek, which flows down from the east to meet the San Joaquin River. (Although riverine, the Firebaugh region people may have utilized a greater area than currently mapped, out onto the plain in the Oro Loma and Mendota regions.) The main San Joaquin River probably jumped back and forth among various distributaries in this region from one year to the next. Pre-contact? vegetation was grassland and freshwater marsh, with willow thickets and occasional cottonwood trees along the channels of the San Joaquin River.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
''Moraga-Muñoz 1806.'' The Moraga-Muñoz punitive expedition left Mission San Juan Bautista on September 21, 1806 and arrived in the Santa Rita region on September 23, by way of Pacheco Pass and Los Banos Creek. From their camp (in either the Santa Rita Park or Dos Palos vicinity) the party explored southward on September 24, probably into the Firebaugh region:

:This morning the expedition went south (leaving the camp at the same spot) in search of a village which, according to information, was of 400 people. We had the misfortune to find no one in it and saw only signs of its’ having been inhabited. Not being able to ascertain whither the people had gone we turned eastward to investigate a large river, previously discovered by Second Lieutenant Don Gabriel and called by him the San Joaquin… In the rainy season this river and its adjacent land may be impassable, according to the vestiges left by immense overflows of water [Muñoz in Cook 1960:248].

''Pico 1815.'' José Dolores Pico led a punitive raid into the San Joaquin Valley from the Monterey Presidio in November of 1815. On November 9 they headed south to the Firebaugh region from a camp in either the Los Banos or Mud Slough region to the north:

:I took a southerly direction and emerged from the tule swamp. Having traveled about eight leagues from the said swamp I turned in an easterly direction toward the San Joaquin River. On arriving at this river at about six o’clock in the afternoon I was told that some armed heathen were crossing to the opposite bank. Immediately Corporal Juarez went over with some men to investigate them. The heathen, seeing that the soldiers were crossing the river, gathered in a village near by and began to shoot at them [Pico in Cook 1960:268-269].

An inconclusive skirmish ensued. Then the Spaniards retreated to camp a short distance north. Early the next morning, November 10, they were attacked by the local native men. The Spaniards drove the men off, killing many and capturing one:

:Of the dead, one was found to be a Christian of Mission San Juan and a leader in stealing horses. … The action having ceased, I ordered Corporal Juarez with ten men to make a reconaissance of the rancheria, which was called Copicha [Pico in Cook 1960:268-269].

This examination of the “Copicha” village is an explicit reference indicating that the Copcha were living in the Firebaugh region. At 11 AM on November 10, Pico moved south, arriving that night at a camp in the Mendota region without mentioning any other group in the Firebaugh region.

''Pico-Ortega 1815.'' Pico returned north from the Tulare Lake area in a combined party with Juan Ortega. They left the Mendota region on the morning of November 25, crossed the San Joaquin River in the vicinity of the confluence of the river and Fresno Slough, and continued on into the Firebaugh region. There they encountered a Copcha village again. Pico’s diary reads:

:At about seven o’clock in the morning we arrived at the village of Cupicha, which we found without inhabitants. (This village is in the meadow along the river where the San Joaquin joins the Tecolote.) We inquired of the heathen Indians whom we had with us and they told us the people had moved to the mountains. We went westward and crossed the river [Pico in Cook 1960:270].

Pico’s Tecolote was certainly the Fresno River (although later Estudillo would label Mariposa Creek the Tecolate). Here, for the second time, Pico referenced the Firebaugh region people as the Copcha. Although he was told that they had gone “to the mountains,” there is no way of knowing whether that group had moved eastward all the way to the Sierra or merely to one of the adjoining regions, such as Hernden or Madera.

''Estudillo 1819.'' José María Estudillo entered the Firebaugh region from the Mendota region to the south on November 6, 1819. There he found the Eyulahuas living together with a group he called the “Othos”:

:Started at 5:30 A.M., following the banks of the river northward, full of meadows and swamps. At 3 P.M. I saw the fresh track of an Indian. I followed it to the middle of a bay of willows formed by the river. Settled on its banks I found five old women, an old man, a youth of about twenty, and a consumptive-looking young woman of about the same age, also a hermaphrodite whom they called Joya. All the natives belonging to the ranchería of Othos and Yulavas, [under?] Captain Chegice already christianized at San Juan with the name Bartolome, and Quetas [an] unconverted Captain. They informed me that a very few days before Bartolome had come, sent by the priests of San Juan, and Queutas and all the people had gone to the mission with him, leaving the possessions I saw, and the old and infirm who remained there [Estudillo in Gayton 1936:81].

Estudillo told the people that he would send their captains from Mission San Juan Bautista to bring them to that mission once he himself returned to it. Both of the mentioned captains appear as Eyulahuas in the mission records. Bartolome Chegice had been baptized as the Eyulahuas captain by Father Arroyo at San Juan Bautista in March of 1818 (noted as Thregiae in SJB-B 2225). Estudillo’s “unconverted captain,” Queutas, was baptized by Father Arroyo on Jun 15, 1820, at which time he too was identified as an Eyulahuas captain (SJB-B 2484).

==Mission Register References==
The Eyulahuas and Copchas were missionized between 1816 and 1832. San Juan Bautista was the home mission of all 80 identifiable baptized Eyulahuas people and 63 of 66 baptized Copchas. Three other identifiable Copchas were baptized at Mission Santa Cruz. Combined, 95% of them were baptized by the end of 1822. Other Eyulahuas and/or Copchas were certainly baptized at Mission Soledad (see Arroyo’s statement in the San Juan Bautista Padron subsection below), as well, but tribal attributions at Soledad are impossible to assign for many who were baptized there merely as “Tular” people.

''San Juan Bautista.'' Of 80 Eyulahuas who went to San Juan Bautista between 1817 and 1823, the largest groups appear in the baptismal register in 1818, 1819, and 1820. The first convert, baptized alone on January 22, 1817, was an infant ''“nacido en el parage de Pileunet, hija de Guonche y de Chimilcat de la rancheria de los Eyiloas'' (SJB-B 2149 by Fr. Arroyo). Her parents and six others were baptized on May 6, 1817, at which time all were noted as Eyulahuas except her mother, who was listed as a Copcha (SJB-B 2161-2168). The first noted Eyulahuas captain, Bartolome Thregiae (age 30), led a group of five Eyulahuas and one Copcha for baptism on March 3, 1818 (among SJB-B 2225-2250). Three other Eyulahuas captains were noted in the Mission San Juan Bautista baptismal register over the next two years. Next was ''Capitán menór'' Constantino Alema (SJB-B 2387), a 20-year-old baptized in December of 1819. The presumed main captain, Olimpiades Queutas (age 50), led a group of married couples in baptismal order on June 15, 1820 (SJB-B 2484). On October 28, 1820, Quarto Huooya, older brother of Constantino, was identified as captain as he led the last significant Eyulahuas group for baptism. Three of the last four Eyulahuas converts were baptized on May 22, 1822 among a large, mixed lowland straggler group that included Nopchinche Yokuts (Santa Rita region), Quitratre Yokuts (Atwater region), and Utrocus Yokuts of the El Nido region (SJB-B 3135, 3143, 3144).The last convert was baptized on March 1, 1823 among a group of Utrocus Yokuts (SJB-B 3298).

The 63 Copchas identified in the San Juan Bautista baptismal register were baptized between 1816 and 1832. Possibly the earliest baptized Copicha individual was Pastor Chujai, baptized on July 5, 1816 as the only ''“Coipathre”'' ever to appear in mission records (SJB-B 2114). Although Coipathre suggests Copicha, Pastor was listed as a ''“Nopthrinthe”'' in Father Arroyo’s 1822/1824 padron, casting doubt on the equivalency of group names Coipathre and Copicha. Arroyo baptized the great majority of explicitly identified “Copcha,” 54 people, over the years 1819-1822, often in mixed groups with Eyulahuas Yokuts. Three of the entries carried more information: ''“Copcha en los Tulares”'' (SJB-B 2629), ''“orda de Copchas”'' (SJB-B 2538), and ''“raza o familia de Copchas”'' (SJB-B 2422). Arroyo identified one Copcha captain; he was Jucundo Cathscaths, who led a group of his people in line for baptism on June 13, 1820 (SJB-B 2475). The last five San Juan Bautista Copcha converts were baptized between 1826 and 1832, often with Heuchi Yokuts (Madera region) individuals.

Note that the “Otho” hermaphrodite mentioned by Estudillo was probably the person baptized at Mission San Juan Bautista on May 7, 1822, with the same gender description, as the only “Jochomne” in the mission records (SJB-B 3120). That person is included in the overall count of baptized Copchas.

''Santa Cruz.'' Two identified Copchas were baptized at Mission Santa Cruz, two of whom were labeled Copcha and one who was labeled an Ochoyo. Father Escude baptized Casimiro from the Rancheria Ochoyo on April 5, 1817. Two young children of Casimiro were baptized at San Juan Bautista in April of 1821, but later appear as Copchas in a Santa Cruz Padron (SJB-B 22747, 2748). Additionally, Casimiro’s Copcha wife and another Copcha woman were baptized at Santa Cruz in the fall of 1821 (SCR-B 1936, 1937); the latter woman was married to a Heuchi Yokuts man (from the Madera region) at the time of her baptism, but did not renew that marriage in the mission system. No explicitly identified Eyulahuas were baptized at Mission Santa Cruz, and none of the otherwise-unlocated splinter groups at Santa Cruz have been shown to cross-refer to Eyulahua.

''Soledad.'' It is known that Copchas went to Mission Soledad (see Arroyo’s Padron discussion below), but its records are inconsistently annotated for ethno-geographic information and no records, which are inconsistent in identifying home villages or local tribes. However, two women went to Mission Soledad from an unlocated Yokuts group called Ochomna or Ochonoma. The first of the two was a young “Ochonoma” woman who came in quite early, in 1804, with a large group of Chalons; she was already married to a Christian man from an unknown place called “Upaan en los Guacharones” (SO-B 1030 by Fr. Jayme). The second was an infant from “Ochomna en el Tular” brought by her catecumen mother in December of 1823, at a time when Pitkachis and Hoyimas were being baptized at Soledad (SO-B 1971 by Fr. Juan Cabot). It is possible, but not definite, that Ochonoma and Copcha are synonymous. Other Copchas might have been at Soledad among the many people labeled there only as “Tulares” Indians.

''Mission Marriage Patterns.'' Eyulahuas were involved in 22 renewed pre-mission marriages, all at San Juan Bautista. Most were married within the group (24 people in 12 marriage events), while three were married to Nopchinche Yokuts (Santa Rita region), three to Copcha Yokuts (presumed Firebaugh region neighbors), two to Kiwech Yokuts speakers (Oro Loma region), one to a Chauchila Yokuts (Dairyland region) and one to an Uthrocos Yokuts (El Nido region). The pattern of Copcha renewed pre-mission marriages at Mission San Juan Bautista was similar; they were involved in 16 such marriages, most within their group (20 people in 10 marriages), while two were married to Nupchenche Yokuts, one to a Chauchila Yokuts, and one to a Heuchi Yokuts (Madera region), in addition to the three pre-mission marriages to the Eyulahuas. The one pre-mission Copcha marriage noted at Mission Santa Cruz seems to have involved two Copchas, if in fact the “Ochoyo” husband was a Copcha (SCR-M 673; SCR-B 1688).

Widowed and previously unmarried missionized Eyulahuas people at Mission San Juan Bautista married Nopchinche Yokuts (six events), Heuche Yokuts (four events), Hoyima Yokuts (two events), Kiwech Yokuts (two events), Utrocos Yokuts (two events), Chauchila Yokuts (one event), Copcha (one event), Cuccunun Yokuts (one event), other Eyulahuas (one event), Pitkachi Yokuts (one event), Quitratre Yokuts (one event), and Coast Range Costanoan speakers (six events) as well as mission-born people.

Previously unmarried missionized Copchas wedded Chauchila Yokuts (four events), Nopchinche Yokuts (two events), Uthrocos Yokuts (two events), Eyulahuas Yokuts (one event), Quihueths Yokuts (two events), Quithrathre Yokuts (two events), Hoyima Yokuts (two events), Heuchi Yokuts (one event), Ochentac Costanoans (one event) and Sutunuchu Sierra Miwoks (one event) at San Juan Bautista. At Mission Santa Cruz young missionized Copchas married Tomoi and Partacsi Costanoans from the Coast Ranges.

''San Juan Bautista Padron.'' Father Arroyo listed the Eyulahuas second in his San Juan Bautista Padron of the early 1820s, after the Nopchinches (his Nopthrinthre). He wrote in the preamble, “then follows the Eyulahuas who are intimates with those of Copcha.” In the text introducing the Copcha individuals (the third group listed), he wrote, “There total 33 from the Copchas, united with the Eyulahuas … I do not know if there are more of them in their land, but some reside at Santa Cruz and Soledad.” At the end of that Copcha list, Arroyo added, “This brings to an end these two Nations, the Eyulauas and Copcha, who were nearly united in their native state.”

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
''Pico 1826.'' Sergeant José Dolores Pico led a Mexican army expedition against horse thieves and fugitive Christians in the central San Joaquin Valley during the winter of 1825-1826. From Mission San Juan Bautista he came over Pacheco Pass to the Los Banos vicinity. On January 1, 1826 they camped in the Dos Palos vicinity of the Santa Rita region. Next day, January 2, they reported that they traveled eastward (which, within context of the overall diary, was actually southeastward), and came up to a village that seems to have been approximately where the town of Firebaugh is today:

:At dawn I went out to reconnoitre and to see if I could find the guides [sent eastward the day before], going always in an easterly direction. At a distance of six leagues, on the San Joaquin River, I came upon a village at which the previous day some heathen Indians had arrived. With them were five Christians from San Juan Bautista. Of these we caught two by surprise, very bad individuals, who had been fugitives already for a long time. The name of one was Rustico, who had been running loose now about two years; the other was called Canuto and he had been a fugitive for four years. Now the guides, who had come a day earlier, as I have stated, were holding in their possession the Christians who were at the river because they were sick together with other casuals who had joined them. There were also some fourteen other Indians whom the Rev. Father Fray Felipe Arroyo had sent out about a week previously to hunt out these sick people. Finally, at about 9:00 o’clock in the evening, forty more heathen and Christians came in [Pico in Cook 1962:181].

Pico’s Rustico, mission records show, was a Chauchila who had been baptized at San Juan Bautista at age 30 in December of 1820 (SJB-B 2613). Canuto was an Eyulahuas who had been baptized at San Juan Bautista at age 13 in July of 1817. The Firebaugh region was clearly a borderlands area by 1826, where Mission Indians, fugitives, and tribal people came together.

The Pico party moved east out of the Firebaugh region the next day, January 3, to continue a campaign that would last many days:

:I left the river and went toward the Sierra Nevada, where I had received information a certain Feliz, neophyte of Soledad Mission, and another from San Juan had gone to the village of the Jollimas [Pico in Cook 1962:181].

Although directions in Pico’s diary are subject to varying interpretation, it is suggested here that he moved over the plain through the eastern portion of the Firebaugh region, thence on into the Herndon region. His campaign took him to the east and south before he finally left the San Joaquin Valley via a pass south of Tulare Lake on January 24.

''Smith 1827.'' Jedediah Smith passed through the Firebaugh region in March of 1827, on his way north from San Bernardino with scores of trappers and more than 100 horses. In his diary review at his camp on the Stanislaus River, he noted the absence of Indian people in the stretch of land from the bend of the San Joaquin River to the Stanislaus:

:Since I struck the Peticutry [San Joaquin River] I had seen but few indians. The greater part of those that once resided here having (as I have since been told ) gone in to the Missions of St. Joseph and Santa Clara [Smith in Brooks 1977:146].

''Rodriguez 1828a.'' Sergeant Sebastian Rodriguez led a party into the east-central San Joaquin Valley against horse-stealing Indians in April and early May of 1828. The precise route of the party is impossible to reconstruct from its diary, but the groups they attacked were the Chauchila, Heuchi, and Hoyima, and the area seems to have been north and east of the Firebaugh region on Cottonwood Creek (Herndon and Friant regions), the Fresno river (Madera and Raymond regions), and the Chowchilla river (Le Grand region). To reach those areas, the Rodriguez party first crossed the San Joaquin River on April 23, probably in the northern part of the Firebaugh region:

:I reached the river at about 10:00 o’clock in the morning and found it at high water. Three rafts were assembled and during the day we got across … Here we slept the night [Rodriguez in Cook 1962:184].

Rodriquez’s group waited until late the next day, April 24, then moved east over the plain on their way to “Monte Redondo,” probably just west of Pinedale and the San Joaquin River in the eastern portion of the Herndon region. The party “did not arrive until dawn of the 25th because the guides got lost,” wrote Rodriguez (in Cook 1962:184). It is clear that they traveled at night, probably because they were trying to enter Hoyima territory (Herndon region) in secrecy. Toward the end of the raid, on April 29, an entry noted that the Hoyima, Heuchi, and Chowchilla withdrawl and resistance were aided by a fugitive Copcha Yokuts named Delfino:

:All these villages are stirred up by a Christian Indian from Mission San Juan, who came to tell them that the soldiers were on their way. This man arrived the day before I did, and after just being able to notify the Joyimas, immediately made a circuit through the north giving his warnings everywhere that horses are eaten. The heathen Indians stated that the Christian is called Delfino [Rodriguez in Cook 1962:185].

Delfino was identified as a Copcha at baptism as a 22-year-old married Copcha man on December 20, 1819 (SJB-B 2396). He is an example of an escaped missionized person retreating to live amongst the closest viable groups to his original homeland.

==1846-1910 Historic References==
Neither Eyulahuas nor Copchas signed the 1851 federal treaties. No middle or late eighteenth century references mention any native group living in the Firebaugh region at the time.

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Kroeber 1925.'' Kroeber assigned the lands of the San Joaquin Valley, including the Firebaugh region, to the Yokuts language family; he neither discussed nor mapped any local Yokuts tribes or villages in the Firebaugh region (1925:486, plates 1, 47).

''Gayton 1948.'' Gayton’s Yokuts documentation was confined to areas south of the San Joaquin River, with the exception of a few facts she learned from Bill Wilson (Latta’a Pahmit), a Dumna of the Friant region. Wilson provided the following relevant informaton at the end of a list of villages within a few miles of his home in Millerton (1948:153):

:6. Ka’oso: village at Firebaugh where “everyone” used to go for salmon fishing.
:7. če’yao: salmon camp above no. 6
:8. če’sao: salmon camp above no. 7

Camps number 7 and 8 cannot be located as to spot or region, because we do not know the distances Mr. Wilson had in mind for the gaps between the fish camps.

''Latta 1949.'' Latta gave the west side of the San Joaquin River in the Firebaugh region to his “Kahwatchwah” Yokuts group (see Ora Loma region for full discussion of that group). He gave the northeast portion of the region to the Heuchi Yokuts (themselves limited to the Madera region in the CPNC), and the southeast portion to the Hoyima Yokuts (limited to the Hernden region in the CPNC). Latta did not mention the Eyulahuas local tribe at all in his 1949 work.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955.'' In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley, Cook (1955:76) did not map either the Eyulahuas or the Copcha. He divided the Firebaugh region among three mapping areas, a western San Joaquin one for the Nupchenches,” a northern Fresno river one for the Heuchi, and a southeastern San Joaquin River area of Hoyima and Pitkachi. Cook’s (1955:50-54) textual analysis of population density, is complex, difficult to follow, and questionable; he suggests an aboriginal population of 5.05 persons per square mile in the eastern San Joaquin Valley south of the Merced River and north of the Kings River.

''Latta 1977.'' In the cover map of his 1977 edition, Latta made slight changes from 1949, placing Heuche and Hoyima (his “Hoyumne”) a bit farther east, and suggesting that the Kahwatchwah held almost the entire Firebaugh region. He also added a brief, unhelpful mention of the “Nopthrinthres Yokuts of San Juan Bautista” as part of his commentary on the “Padre Arroyo’s Records,” but again did not mention the Eyulahuas (1977:265). Latta also added a paragraph about “Ranchería Aopicha” in his 1977 edition, a name that derives from his misreading of a manuscript text of the 1815 Pico attack on the “Copicha” on the San Joaquin River.

''Wallace 1978.'' The California volume (Heizer 1978) divided Yokuts groups into Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill, to discuss the large Yokuts language territory in three conveniently sized chapters. Wallace’s (1978:462) Northern Valley chapter map shows selected central San Joaquin Valley local tribes but does not include the Eyulahuas or Copcha; the map suggests that the Firebaugh region was just south of the territory of the Nopchenchi, southwest of the Heuchi, and west of the Hoyima. In his text, Wallace (1978:470) listed “Copicha (opposite mouth of Chowchilla)”—a placement that certainly derives from an overly hopeful reading of the locations in the Pico report of 1815—and incorrectly suggested that it was a Nopchinche subtribe; he did not list the Euylahuas. Overall, Wallace’s (1978:462-470) ethno-geographic information is not systematic and not always accurate.
[[Image:Example.jpg]]

DAIRYLAND REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:01Z

Paul: 1 revision

=DAIRYLAND REGION – CHAUCHILA LOCAL TRIBE=

[[Image:Dairyland1.png|right|Dairyland Region Map]]The Chauchila (also spelled Chausila, Chaucila, Chowchilla, Chow-chil-lies) was a well known Northern Valley Yokuts-speaking local tribe, mentioned often in nineteenth century reports and diaries. During the mid-century they controlled the Chowchilla River watershed from the plains into the lower foothills, and by the beginning of the twentieth century the name Chowchilla was applied to Indians anywhere within the watershed of the Chowchilla River, including Miwok speakers of the Nipinawassee region in the Sierra Nevada. Mission register baptismal and marriage patterns suggest that, at the time of Spanish contact, the Chauchila local tribe controlled a more restricted area east of the San Joaquin River and adjacent to the Nopchinche of the Santa Rita region. That homeland is here delineated as the Dairyland region of western Madera County, through an indirect, "jig-saw puzzle" approach that also assigns lands south of Bear Creek and north of Cottonwood Creek to the Heuchi Yokuts (Madera region), Thrayapthre Yokuts (Le Grand region), and Uthrocos Yokuts (El Nido region), the latter two groups known only from mission records. The Dairyland region, named for the historic Dairyland School and Grange Hall location near Berenda Slough, is now rich farmland; the city of Chowchilla lies along the region’s northeast edge.

One hundred and nine Chauchilas were baptized at Franciscan missions between 1819 and 1841. That number is lower than the typical 140-160 for Yokuts groups converted during the early 1820s, suggesting that many Chauchilas chose not to join the missions. Mexican correspondence from the late 1820s documents the Chauchila as “horse thieves.” By the 1830s. By the 1830s they seem to have moved their core area east into the Le Grand region, probable homeland of the Thayapthre Yokuts prior to the mission period (see the CPNC Le Grand region monograph). It is suggested here that the Chauchila and Thrayapthre amalgamated into a single group, perhaps in the late 1820s, certainly by the end of the 1833 malaria epidemic, under the Chauchila apellation. Leaders in Mariposa War resistance to American settlement in 1850-1851, they were settled during the 1850s on the Fresno River Reservation (see the CPNC Le Grand and Raymond region monographs for details). Today’s Indian groups of the Madera County foothills probably include individuals with Chauchila Yokuts ancestry. There may also be families of Chauchila Yokuts ancestry in the Mission San Juan Bautista descendant community.

==Environment==
The Dairyland region is in the San Joaquin Valley just east of the northward-flowing San Joaquin River. Elevation varies from 120 feet on the west to 235 feet on the east. Numerous small streams flow westward through this plain on their way from the Sierra Nevada to the San Joaquin River. Two of them, Ash Slough and Berenda Slough (distributary branches of the Chowchilla River), flow southwestward through the heart of the region. The Chowchilla River itself runs along the region’s northern border, while the Fresno River flows westward through the southern part of the region. Pre-contact? vegetation was grassland, with willow thickets and occasional cottonwood trees along the stream channels.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
No Spanish expeditions are known to have entered the Dairyland region prior to Chauchila movement to the missions. The Moraga-Muñoz party of 1806 probably traveled just to the east of the region on their southward journey.

==Mission Register References==
Beginning in 1819 and ending in 1841, 109 people identifiable as Chauchilas were baptized at Franciscan missions to the west. Most of them (103 people) went to Mission San Juan Bautista, but three were baptized at Santa Clara and one each were baptized at Santa Cruz, Soledad, and San Carlos Borromeo. Additionally, a few of the many Soledad converts listed only as ''“Tulares”'' people may have been Chauchilas, given the wide area from which that mission drew a few of its tribally-identifiable converts. None of the baptized Chauchilas were identified as a captain, suggesting that the leader of the group never joined a mission.

''San Juan Bautista.'' Of the 103 Chauchilas at San Juan Bautista, most (71 people) were baptized during the years 1819 through 1822, initially in clusters next to groups of Nopchinches and Eyulahuas, the last with Heuchis, Uthrocos, and Silelamnes. The remaining 32 people, baptized between 1823 and 1841, went into the mission alone or in small groups with Copchas, Heuchis, Cuccunus, or Hoyimas. Scribes at San Juan Bautista spelled the group name ''Chausila'', with the exception of one entry spelled ''Chaucila'' by Father Anzar in the 1830s. Father Arroyo exercized some flair in 1820, variously marking the ''“nación de los Chausilas,”'' the ''“tribu o casta de Chausila,”'' and ''“raza de los Chausilas”'' (SJB-B 2443, 2462, 2469); one cannot read any deep political subtlety into any of the terms as he used them. Of interest for later history, a 19-year-old man, baptized as Jose de los Reyes by Father Anzar in 1837, is the most likely mission register entrant to have been the Jose Reyes of later James Savage and Gold Rush fame (SJB-B 4298).

''San Carlos Borromeo.'' One Chauchila appears in the Mission San Borromeo baptismal register, a man baptized on the verge of death on April 12, 1820. The entry for the man, christened Felipe de Jesus, states that he was the father of a ''catecumeno'' (adult in training prior to baptism) at Mission San Juan Bautista and that he was from ''“la Raza de Chausila, de la Rancheria y parage nombrado Huahali”'' (SCA-B 3170 by Fr. Sarría). This man recovered and re-aggregated to San Juan Bautista, where he died in 1825 (SJB-D 2139).

''Santa Cruz.'' A woman baptized at Santa Cruz on November 15, 1820 was stated to be from ''“Chaguil”'' (SCR-B 1882). She was married to a Chaneche/Yeurata Yokuts man (Los Banos region) who was baptized the same day (SCR-B 1867). Of note, her husband was one of the last Chaneche converts, suggesting that he had been living with her among the Chauchilas years after the Chaneche were brought to the missions.

''Soledad.'' One probable Chauchila appears in the Mission Soledad baptismal register. She was a 40-year-old woman baptized as Perpetua on July 24, 1828 from ''“la Ranchería Tasyla en el Tular, asi el Norte de esta Misión”'' (SO-B 2029). Her mother, a 70 year old woman from ''“la Ranchería llamada Euce en el Tular, Norte de esta Misión,”'' thus probably a Heuchi of the Madera region, was baptized at Soledad in late 1829 (SO-B 2045).

''Santa Clara.'' Three Mission Santa Clara entries of the 1830s document Chauchila baptisms, of which two seem to refer to a single individual. First, in SCL-B 8675 on October 10, 1834, Father Moreno describes the baptism of a young girl brought from the ''“Chauciles”'' during a raid by citizens of San Jose into the Sierra Nevada. The same information was repeated in SCL-B 9872, an entry by the same priest in April of 1838, including information to the effect that he was writing down information about a past event (see full quote in the Early Expeditions section below). Finally, an 18-year-old ''“naturál de los Chauciles”'' was christened Jose Mariano at Santa Clara on June 27, 1841 (SCL-B 10,151).

''Mission Marriage Patterns.'' The Chauchilas who went to the missions were spouses in 21 pre-mission marriages, 20 at San Juan Bautista and one at Santa Cruz. Most of the married Chauchilas had spouses also identified as Chauchila (26 individuals among 13 events), while two were married to Nopchinche Yokuts (Santa Rita region), two to Heuchi Yokuts (Madera region), one to an Eyulahua Yokuts (Firebaugh region), and one to a Copcha Yokuts (Cottonwood Creek region).

''Arroyo de la Cuesta’s 1822-1827 Padron.'' Chauchila was the fifth group listed in Father Arroyo de la Cuesta’s 1822-1827 Padron. In the preamble to the work he noted, “I will enter the Chauchilas and also the Gueche [Heuchi of Madera region], who together make only a half-sized group.” Then in the text introduction to the group, he wrote “Padron of the Chausila nation who have come from gentility” with a list of 65 individuals, and immediately thereafter an introduction to the Heuchi, as follows: “I continue to the Geuche Nation, who are nearly one with the Chausilas.”

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
''Smith 1827.'' Jedediah Smith passed through the Dairyland region in March of 1827, on his way north from San Bernardino to the Stanislaus River with scores of trappers and more than 100 horses. In his diary review, he noted the absence of Indian people in a stretch of land that included the Dairyland region:

:Since I struck the Peticutry [San Joaquin river] I had seen but few indians. The greater part of those that once resided here having (as I have since been told) gone in to the Missions of St. Joseph and Santa Clara [Smith in Brooks 1977:146].

''Rodriguez 1828.'' The Mexican military under Sebastian Rodriguez raided the Chauchila in 1828. Because the Chauchila seem to have moved their center of operations from the Dairyland region eastward by that time, details of the Rodriguez raid are discussed in the CPNC Le Grand region monograph.

''Ferguson, 1834.'' A Mexican party from the town of San Jose brought back a Chauchila girl from a horse raid into the Sierra foothills in 1834. Because of the location of the event, and the probable 1834 location of the Chauchila to the east of the Dairyland region, its details are presented in the CPNC Le Grand region monograph.

==1846-1910 Historical References==
The Chauchila Yokuts may have hunted and gathered in the Dairyland region during the 1840s, but their history switches entirely to areas to the east during the mid and late nineteenth century. (See the CPNC Le Grand region monograph for references to the Chauchila between 1846 and 1910.)

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Kroeber 1925.'' Kroeber assigned a very large area to the Chauchila, including the Dairyland region and parts of the adjacent El Nido, Le Grand, and Madera regions. He wrote:

:The Chauchila or Chauchili, more correctly Chaushila or Chaushilha (plural Chaweshali), sometime also called Toholo, “lowlanders, westerners,” by the hill tribes, were in the plains along the several channels of Chowchilla River, in whose name their appellation is perpetuated [1925:485].

Because Kroeber gave the Le Grand region to the Chauchila (rather than the Thrayapthre, as suggested in this study) and the foothill Raymond region further east to the Pohonichi Miwok, he argued “the Chauchila are the first Yokuts tribe to have no upland neighbors of their own stock, the southern Miwok now being the easterners.” Kroeber identified two village locations that he assigned to the Chauchila:

:They lived at Shehamniu on this stream [Chowchilla River], apparently at the eastern edge of the plains, some miles below Buchanan. Halau, “cane,” near Berenda, which may have been in their range or that of the Heuchi, recalls a town of the same name on far distant Kern Lake [1925:485].

Kroeber mapped Shehamniu at a spot that is within this study’s Le Grand region (see the Le Grand region text regarding J. C. Fremont’s 1845 attack on the Chaucila tribe in that area, perhaps at Shehamniu); it may have been a village of the combined Chauchila and Thrayapthre after the population destruction caused by the malaria epidemic of 1833. Halau, in the Madera region, was certainly a Heuchi village prior to Spanish disturbance. Kroeber’s field notes suggest that his documentation for the Chauchila tribe may have been obtained in 1904 from Molly, a part-Hoyima Yokuts woman living on the Fresno River near Raymond (Kroeber Field Notes,[BANC MSS C-B 925], Notebook 5709-21 column 1, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley).

''Aginsky 1943.'' Burt Aginsky (1943:394) gathered cultural information in 1936 from Valley Yokuts-speaker John Ned Jones, aged 74, who was living in the town of Friant in Fresno County. Aginsky did not document Mr. Jones’ local tribe affiliation.

''Newman 1944.'' Stanley Newman (1944) secured Chauchila linguistic material from “Johnny Jones” at Friant in 1931. We are virtually certain that this Jones was the person Burt Aginsky interviewed at Friant.

''Gayton 1945.'' Bill Wilson, a 90-year-old Dumna, told Gayton that the “Chauši'la” had lived on the Fresno River at Madera. Note that most evidence indicates that the early Madera region people were the Heuchi Yokuts. Gayton’s information combines with that of many others to suggest that “Chauchila” became a catch-all phrase for many groups of the east side of the San Joaquin Valley between the Merced and San Joaquin rivers.

''Latta 1949.'' In his first edition, Latta (1949:inside cover) mapped the Chauchila (his ''Chauchila'') tribal area generally across the El Nido, Dairyland, and Le Grand regions. His map reproduces Kroeber’s (1925) locations for the villages of Halau and Shehamniu in such a way as to suggest that Shehamniu was a Chauchila village and Halau may have been either a Heuchi or Chauchila village. Latta (1949:3) called the Chauchila “the first Yokuts tribe about which anything definite is known”, perhaps in reference to Fremont’s 1845 documentation about them.

:These people were the only warlike tribe of Yokuts. They ranged along the Chowchilla River from the San Joaquin River on the west to the Sierra foothills on the east (Latta 1949:3).

Latta chose the Chauchila as the exemplary Yokuts tribe of the San Joaquin Valley plains. “This tribe has been known since its earliest contact with white people for its hostile attitude and horse stealing,” he wrote (1949:34). He hypothesized about their pre-contact lifeways, emphasizing the value in which they probably held horses. Then he devoted four pages to Fremont’s ''Memoir'' excerpt regarding an 1845 encounter with displaced Chauchilas, probably on the west edge of the Raymond region (Latta 1949:34-38). All in all, his information for the region, and for the Chauchila Yokuts, seems second hand, and definitely lacks the rich detail his informants gave him for areas south of the San Joaquin River.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
''Cook 1955.'' In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley, Cook (1955:76) mapped the combined Dairyland, southern El Nido, southern Le Grand, northern Madera, northern Raymond, and Nipinnawassee regions as lands of the “Chauchila.” He noted that the vicinity was “very poorly represented in the early documentary sources,” but did cite Rodriguez to suggest that the original “Chauchila” population was probably 400 (Cook 1955:51). While Cook’s (1955:50-54) textual discussion of population density in the area does not comport with his mapping units, he does suggest an aboriginal population of 5.05 persons per square mile in the eastern San Joaquin Valley south of the Merced River and north of the Kings River.

''Latta 1977.'' In his 1977 edition, Latta changed the group name spelling to “Chauchela” and completely re-wrote his material on the group. He reprinted the Fremont ''Memoir'' excerpt in one section (1977:237-241) and added another section on their geography in which he attributed the villages of Halau and Shehámniu to the Chauchila group on the basis of information from Pahmit, a Dumna, and George Rivercomb, half-Chukchanci (1977:156-159). He also added a story from J.A. Aguila to the effect that the Chauchila had a village on the east bank of the San Joaquin River “a short distance downstream from opposite the later headquarters of Miller & Lux Frémont Ranch, which is east of Ingomar” at the time they were raiding cattle in Coast Range ranchos (1977:157). All three of these villages seem to have been within the territories of other local tribes at the time of Spanish mission outreach prior to 1821.

''Wallace 1978.'' The California volume (Heizer 1978) presents three chapters of Yokuts material, one each for Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill Yokuts groups. The CPNC Dairyland region is covered in the Northern Valley chapter, written by William Wallace (1978). Its accompanying map places the “Chawchila” on the north side of the Chowchilla River in a way that suggests they were centered in the CPNC El Nido and Le Grand regions (1978:462). He also listed “Chawchila” as an independent local tribe, and followed Kroeber in giving the villages of Shehamniu in the Le Grand region and Halau in the Madera region to them (1978:470). Overall, Wallace’s presentation of ethno-geographic information for his Northern Valley Yokuts area was not systematic and not always accurate.

COARSE GOLD REGION

2010-04-07T19:47:00Z

Paul: 1 revision

=COARSE GOLD REGION – DALINCHI AND CHUKCHANSI LOCAL TRIBES=

[[Image:Coarse_Gold1.png|right|Coarse Gold Region Map]]The Coarse Gold region of Madera County is the well-documented historic homeland of two Foothill Yokuts-speaking local tribes, the Chukchansi in the west and the Dalinichi in the east. Both groups were involved in the resistance to the Gold Rush invasion that triggered the Mariposa Indian War, and both groups signed Federal Treaty N on the San Joaquin River on April 29, 1851. The Chukchansi may, however, have been forced into this region from the Raymond region further west by the Chauchila Yokuts during the tumultous 1830s period of horse stealing, Mexican attacks and valley epidemics (see Raymond region CPNC monograph). If that is the case, then the Dalinchi probably held the entire Coarse Gold region prior to the 1830s. Today’s Indian groups of the Madera and Fresno county foothills include many individuals with Chukchansi and Dalinchi ancestry. Chukchansi is, in fact, by far the most common ancestral affiliation of those Madera County Indians who identify as Yokuts.

==Environment==
[[Image:Coarse_Gold_Photo1.jpg|200px|thumb|left|Coarse Gold Region along Route 41]]Elevations in this upper foothill region range from a low of 1,600 feet on the Fresno River in the west up to 4,000 feet where it abuts the higher elevations of the Sierra Nevada on the northeast. The Fresno River flows through the northern and western portion of the region, while its southern tributary Coarse Gold Creek flows down through the central area. The eastern part of the region is drained by two laterals of the San Joaquin River system, Fine Gold Creek and the North Fork of Willow Creek. Native vegetation is foothill blue oak woodland and mixed oak-grey pine woodland in the lower southern and central areas. Interior live oak predominates in large tracts northwest of Coarse Gold and north of Oakhurst. Mixed Sierran forest, mainly ponderosa pine, covers higher ridges in the north.

==Spanish Period Expedition References==
No documented Spanish Period expeditions are known to have entered the Sierran Coarse Gold region.

==Mission Register References==
The very small number of Chukchansis in the Mission San Juan Bautista baptismal registers (4 Siucsianthre and possibly 4 Chequisinthre) are discussed in the CPNC Raymond region monograph. Mission records list 19 Dalinchi people (14 at Soledad, 5 at San Juan Bautista), all baptized between 1828 and 1840. The total of 19 baptized Dalinchi is unexpectedly high, given that smaller numbers are identified from two neighboring regions closer to the missions (8 Chukchansi of Raymon and 9 Dumna of Friant). There are not enough otherwise-unlocated “Tulare” converts at pertinent missions to greatly elevate the numbers of those neighbors. No explanation is offered for this seeming contravention of the rule of missionization diminution with distance.

The first Dalinchi person appeared in a death record at Mission San Juan Bautista on May 24, 1829. He was a 30-year-old “Talinche” man who was said to have been conditionally baptized at an unknown earlier time (SJB-D 2608). Baptisms were recorded that week at San Juan Bautista for four Hoyima children and one Copcha child, suggesting that they, and the Dalinchi man, had been captured during a Mexican government raid along the San Joaquin River.

Four Dalinchis appeared in the Mission Soledad baptismal register during March and April of 1830; all four were children in mixed groups with Pitcache and Dumna children (amid SO-B 2047-2060). Then from mid-1830 through mid-1832, five Dalinchi adults were baptized at San Juan Bautista and Soledad (SJB-B 3881, SO-B 2068-2070, 2082, 2096) in mixed groups dominated by Hoyima, Pitcachi, Gashowu, and “Uecheget” [Wechihit], all Yokuts from west and south of the Coarse Gold region. In 1833 one infant and two women from the Dalinchi were baptized at Soledad with Gashowu Yokuts (SO-B 2154, 2162, 2163).

The last three Dalinchi baptisms took place at San Juan Bautista in 1839 and 1840: a Dalinchi boy with two Wimilchi Yokuts boys (Riverdale region) in 1839 (SJB-B 4400), a lone Dalinchi boy in February 1840 (SJB-B 4451), and a lone young Dalinchi woman in August 1840 (SJB-B 4482).

''Mission Marriage Patterns.'' Only one Dalinchi is recognized in the mission records as married at the time of baptism, a woman married to a Hoyima man (SJB-M 964). However, other indications of out-marriages are found. One Dalinchi child was said to have a “Oaquichi [Wakichi Yokuts]” mother, while another had parents later identified as Gashowu Yokuts, a situation suggesting that the missionary who baptized those parents failed to interview them closely enough to distinguish them as a dual-group couple (SJB-B 2060; SO-B 2154).

==Mexican Period Expedition References==
No documented Spanish Period expeditions are known to have entered the Sierran Coarse Gold region.

==1846-1910 Historic References==
''Mariposa Indian War of 1851.'' The Coarse Gold region was the scene of some of the events that occured when a group of eastern San Joaquin Valley and Sierran local tribes initiated a resistance against American traders and settlers between May of 1850 and late April of 1851 (see Phillips 1997). The Chukchansi were mentioned often in reports as prime participants in that resistance, but the Dalinchi were not mentioned at all. Details regarding the Mariposa Indian War are presented in the CPNC monograph for the Raymond region.

''Treaty N, 1851.'' The Dalinchi and Chukchansi were among 16 local tribes to sign US government Treaty N on April 29, 1851 at a spot near the foothills on the San Joaquin River (Heizer 1972:71-81; Phillips 2004:27, 30). (For the Chuckchansi involvement, see the Raymond region CPNC monograph.) The Dalinchi were called the “Tallinchees” and their signatories were Cho-kete, Pal-lo-koosh, How-il-me-na, and So-kuch. The Treaty N reservation was designed to stretch along the base of the Sierra from the Chowchilla River to the Kings River. Of note, the 16 signatory tribes were assigned by the commissioners to three geographic subgroups by the commissioners, each under the leadership of one chief. The Dalinchi were part of the central group with the Gashowu Yokuts (signed as Cas-sons), Dumna Yokuts (signed as Toom-nas), Pitcache Yokuts (signed as Pit-ca-chees), and Posgisa Monos (signed as Pos-ke-sas), all under Chief Tom-quit of the Pitcaches (Heizer 1972:72-79).

''Fresno River Reservation 1854-1859.'' The headquarters of the Fresno River Reservation, founded in 1854, was on the river at the eastern edge of the Madera region. Office of Indian Affairs reports from the Fresno River agency during the 1850s, now in the National Archives, have not been examined for this report. However, Cook (1955:71), who paraphrased the documents, noted D. A. Enyart’s report statement that “220 Choot-chances” were at the Fresno Farm [a temporary federal reservation] in November of 1854; the Dalinches were not listed. A report by M. B. Lewis on August 30, 1859 stated that the “Cooc-chances, the largest ‘unbroken’ tribe in the agency, originally on Coarse Gold Creek, some still there, some at agency” totalled 240 persons, while the “Pit-cat-ches and Tal-linches (two distinct tribes) native habitat was the San Joaquin River; still near Fort Miller … 150 people” (Cook 1955:71).

''Powers 1877.'' In his list of numerous Yokuts local tribe locations, without detail and without sources, Powers (1877:370) mentioned the Chukchansi “on the San Joaquin, from Whisky Creek down to Millerton.” He also mentioned "Slōk’-nich, chief of the Chukchansi” (1877:371). That would generally include the southern portion of the Coarse Gold region, given his level of generality. But it also includes the northeast portion of the Friant region, believed here to have been held by the Dumna. Since Powers (1877) did not list either the Dalinchi or the Dumna at all, it is probable that he, like so many others, used the term Chuckchansi as a catch-all for any Northern Hills Yokuts speakers. In later text he documented time spent among Chukchansi people on Coarse Gold Creek:

:While in Coarse Gold Gulch, it was my good fortune to witness the great dance of the dead (ko-ti’-wa-chil), which was one of the most extraordinary human spectacles I ever beheld. It was not the regular annual dance but a special one, held by request of Kol-lo’mus-nim, a subchief of the Chukchansi [Powers 1877:384].

The multi-page description of the ceremony included Powers' second mention of "Slōk’-nich, the head-chief of the Chukchansi” (1877:385).

==Classic Ethnographic References==
''Merriam 1902-1907.'' C. Hart Merriam visited the Coarse Gold region a number of times between 1902 and 1907. His field journals (1902-1934) have yet to be systematically paraphrased for this study. Instead, his selectively published materials are cited, beginning with one in September of 1902.

:September 22, 1902. On the way from Fresno Flat to Coarse Gold Gulch I passed and stopped at two camps of Chuk-chancy Indians…. Five miles from the first camp is a camp called Picayune. Here there are about six or seven rough board houses and a few brush huts. …. An old woman at the Picayune camp from whom I purchased a basket of acorn soup called the basket nah-cheech. The soup was made of green acorns of the blue oak. They say that those of the black oak are better [Merriam 1967:411]

The full published entry provides a rich picture of the Picayune village at the time of the visit. During this trip Merriam obtained Chukchansi natural history word lists from “Old Matilda Neal & Mrs. Sophie Jones. Picayune and Fresno Flats. Sept. 21 & 22, 1902” (Merriam [1898-1938], Bancroft Library reference W/22c/NH87). He also obtained a Chukchansi vocabulary at the time (Merriam [1898-1938] Bancroft Library reference W/22c/V91).

On October 30, 1903 Merriam learned more about the Chukchansi during a visit to Mrs. Matthews, a Dumna-Gashowu, at Table Mountain near Millerton, in Fresno County:

:The Indians now living on Table Mountain are Kosho-o, Pit-kah’-te, Toom’-nah, and Chuk-chan’-sy. The Chukcansy country is north of the San Joaquin River, extending north to Fresno Creek [Merriam 1967:417].

Merriam returned to the Coarse Gold region in 1930. He filled out portions of a natural history word list at Coarse Gold with a “Tallin'che” man named Bill See on August 18 and October 7, 1930 (Merriam [1898-1938], Bancroft Library reference W/22e/NH88).

''Barrett 1908.'' Barrett (1908a:Map 3) identified the Fresno River as the dividing line between Miwok and Yokuts speakers in the Madera County foothills. Thus, he identified most of the Coarse Gold region as Yokuts:

:The boundary …. follows the divide between the headwaters of San Joaquin and Merced river to the head of Fresno river. It then follows, in a general way, the course of this stream with its northeasterly and southwesterly trend down, at least, to a point a few miles west of Fresno Flat. Here it probably makes a slight swing to the south to include the vicinity of what was formerly known as Fresno Crossing, then returns to the river itself and continues down it to a point about due south of Raymond [Barrett 1908a:348]

By his mapping, the small portion of the Coarse Gold region on the west side of the Fresno River was within the Miwok area. Also, he mapped the entire Willow Creek watershed, including Crane Valley north of Bass Lake, as Shoshonean (Barrett 1908:Map 3).

''Kroeber 1925.'' Kroeber (1925: Plate 47) assigned the western portion of the Coarse Gold region to the Chukchansi Yokuts, along with a small southeast portion of the Raymond region and a small northern portion of the Friant region. He placed the Dalinchi in the southeast portion of the Coarse Gold region. Kroeber wrote about the Chukchansi extensively:

:The Chukchansi, Shukshansi, or Shukshanchi (plural Chukadnisha) held Coarse Gold Creek, an affluent of Fresno River, and the head of Cottonwood Creek. They are the northernmost of all the foothill tribes, and their border, Fresno River, where they adjoined the Miwok, was the farthest limit of all the hill Yokuts. They appear to have moved and scattered considerably, and, being on friendly terms with their Miwok neighbors, to have had no hesitation in entering their territory. This is probably the reason why the modern Chukchansi list among their settlements certain places across the Fresno River, such as Aplau and Yiwisniu, whereas actually it was the Miwok who seem to have owned a small tract on the south side of the stream. Hapasau, near Fresno Flats, was, however, Chukchansi. Also well up on Fresno River was Chukchanau or Suksanau, “Chukchansi place.” On Coarse Gold Creek they inhabited Tsuloniu near the headwaters; Kowoniu or Kohoniu, on Picayune Creek; Kataniu, the present Picayune Rancheria, where the majority of the survivors dwell; and, on Cottonwood Creek, they lived at Ch’eyau, ‘bone place,’ near Bates [Kroeber 1925:481-482].

Kroeber’s text on the Dalinchi was brief:

:The Dalinchi (plural Da’elnashi) were a little off the San Joaquin. Fine Gold Creek was their territory. Here the inhabited Moloneu; also O’Neals. Dalinau, ‘Dalinchi place,’ was over the divide in the Coarse Gold Creek drainage” [1925:481].

Kroeber’s incorrect placement of streams in his map work and his vague location of some sites in text indicates that he was not familiar with the local landscape and therefore may also have misunderstood some of the information he obtained for the Coarse Gold Creek region. (Kroeber gathered Chukchansi linguistic material from Dick Neale at Picayune on Jan 13 1904. His Field Notebook 5737-40 should be checked for possible contextual information.)

''Aginsky 1943.'' Bert Aginsky wrote in his “Central Sierra” cultural elements distribution report that he did fieldwork on cultural traits in 1936 at Coarse Gold with Matilda Neal (then over 80 years old) and Mandy Lewis (age unknown), who were “Yokuts, of Northern Hill speech division, Chukchansi tribe of Coarse Gold.” Field notes should be checked for ethno-geographic information.

''Newman 1944.'' In his “Yokuts Language of California,” Newman wrote that he obtained Chukchansi vocabularies from Bill Wilson and Martin Wilson (Dumnas, father and son) at Friant in 1931, and from Chicago Dick and Henry Chenot at Coarsegold in the same year. Field notes should be checked for ethno-geographic information.

''Gayton 1948.'' Gayton summarized Kroeber’s (1925) description of Chukchanci territory and village locations in the introduction to her own 1948 report on the Chukchanci. She then gave the following list of site locations provided to her by a Miss Thrall, who obtained them from three Chukchansi informants: Chicago Dick (born ca. 1895), Nancy Wyatt (born ca. 1900), and Jack Roan (Chukchansi and S.Miwok, born ca. 1865):

:Lulniu: Oakhurst, an old village site, the western boundary of the Chukchansi
:Gratniu: Picayune (N.W.), an old village site with only one sweat house
:Kat’aneu: Picayune (J.R.)
:Dalinao: a settlement where many Chukchansi had lived
:Docimilpao: a settlement
:Baonaiu: a settlement
:Wehil: Grub Gulch, a village with a captain was there.
:T’oxolo: a place east of Raymond, at the foot of the hills, on the Fresno River

The next to last site on this list, Wehil at Grub Gulch, was in the Nipinnawassee region and is otherwise documented as a Miwok-speaking village. It is suggested here that T’oxolo on the Fresno River may have been in the Raymond or Madera region, or that it is merely a general reference to “the west.”

Gayton discussed Chukchansi lands and land use, based on information from Nancy Wyatt and Jack Roan, as well as three additional people identified as Chukchansis (Mike Wyatt, born ca. 1890, Polly Roan, born ca. 1890, and Matilda Neal, born ca. 1870? [Gayton 1948:iv].

:The Chukchansi people went as far north as Yosemite, Southern Miwok territory, said J.R., although none lived permanently north of the Fresno River, unless married to Miwok. Southward they went no farther than Friant, Gashowu territory….

:People would move around, perhaps two or three miles for the summer and come back for the winter. They went up in the mountains to get berries or seeds, always going to the same place on which they had a traditional claim. “When white people came they got everyting mixed up.”

:For pine nuts, hazel nuts, and a superior type of elderberry people went far up into the mountains. This trip was made about August and camps were established as entire families went.

:For acorns the Chukchansi went north to Bass Lake, said N.W. While up there they always feared the approach of bears. For seed-gathering they went down toward Madera to what is now the Dobie [adobe?] Ranch.

:Expeditions to get basketry materials – roots which did not grow abundantly in the hills – were made to the lower Fresno River near Madera [Gayton 1948:175-176].

Gayton provided an important comment on the relationship between families and village locations:

:Related families usually built their houses in an informal group. These groups, consisting of perhaps three to five houses, would be three to five hundred feet apart, yet in toto the families regarded themselves as comprising a single village. Such scattered house-groups were not unusual in the Northern Foothills, and “community” is perhaps a better term than “village,” in distinction from the townlike villages of the Yokuts to the south [Gayton 1948:176].

Gayton (1948:176-184) also gathered important oral histories regarding the Mariposa Indian War, the 1851 treaty signing, and pre-Gold Rush horse raiding into the Coast Ranges.

''Latta 1949.'' Latta did not mention or map the Dalinchi in his 1949 work. His “inside cover” map gave the Chukchansi the south side of the upper Fresno River area, generally the Coarse Gold region and adjacent areas of the Friant and Raymond regions. “Above the Heuchi, on the south side of Fresno River, were the Chukchansi, a foothill tribe” (1949:3). He assigned specific villages in the Friant region, Cheyau at Bates and Dinisheu at Indian Springs, as Chukchansi (1949:4):

:On the location of the later white village of Bates, on upper Cottonwood Creek, was the Chukchansi village of Cheyau. Farther east, and about six miles south of O’Neals, was the village of Dinishneu

Note that Dinishneu, in the Friant region, was said by other ethnographers to have been a Dumna village (see Friant region CPNC monograph). All in all, Latta’s 1949 information for the Coarse Gold region is negligible, in contrast to the rich information he documented for areas south of the San Joaquin River watershed.

==Recent Ethnographic References==
Cook 1955. In his study of the aboriginal population of the entire San Joaquin Valley and adjacent Sierra, Cook (1955:76) split the Coarse Gold region into two mapping areas, mapping the Chuckchansi and Dalinchi together in the western two-thirds of the region, while giving the Toltichi Yokuts (here discussed in the CPNC North Fork region monograph) the eastern third of the region. In text he described a convoluted process for inferring population density from hints in the ethnographic record:

:The tribes on the Fresno and San Joaquin not seen or at least not reported by the Spanish writers are the Gashowu, Wakichi, Kechayi, Dumna, Toltichi, Dalinchi, and Chukchansi. The total number of villages recognized for these seven tribes by Kroeber, Gayton, and Latta is 36 … Since there is no evidence to the contrary and since the hypothesis is inherently reasonable, we may concede 36 villages of 150 persons each or 5,400 people [Cook 1955:51].

That figure of 5,400 people was part of the figure Cook (1955:50-54) used to arrive at an overall population density of 5.05 people per square mile for the area from the Merced River on the north to the Kaweah River on the south.

''Broadbent 1955-1958.'' Sylvia Broadbent did fieldwork on the Chukchansi language with Rose Watt and Emma Lord of Usona, in the Nipinnawassee region (Archive of the Survey of Californian and Other Indian Languages, Department of Linguistics, University of California at Berkeley). Broadbent’s field notes should be checked for ethno-geographic information.

''Latta 1977.'' Latta added material on the Chukchansi to his 1977 volume that is not found in the 1949 work, and he added a section on the Dalinchi, a group that he did not mention at all in 1949. He repeated that the Chukchansi (he now spelled them Chukchanse) lived above the Heuchi, in the foothills on the south side of the Fresno River, and he again assigned the Friant region villages of Cheyau at Bates and Dinishneu at Bellview to the Chukchansi. He then extensively paraphrased Kroeber (1925) regarding the Chukchansi villages in the Coarse Gold Creek drainage (Latta 1977:160). His new 1977 section on the Dalinchi was short. Again he paraphrased precise village names and locations from Kroeber (1925); but he did add a new piece of material that he had collected, oral history from Pahmit:

:Little else is known about the Dalinche [than Kroeber’s place-name material.]. Pahmit stated that as a young man he camped and mined gold with a group of them on the San Joaquin River in Dumna Land, but that they suddenly became sick and died off before the mining was over in that area [Latta 1977:160].

Latta’s lack of original material about the Chukchansi and Dalinchi is surprising, given that one of his consultants was George Rivercomb, a man he identified as a half-blood “Chukchanse” born around 1858 (Latta 1977:59, 443).

''Spier 1978.'' The California volume (Heizer 1978) divided Yokuts groups into Northern Valley, Southern Valley, and Foothill to discuss the large Yokuts language territory in three conveniently-sized chapters. The Coarse Gold region was included within the Foothill Yokuts chapter, written by Robert Spier. Spier (1978:471) left the Dalinchi off of his map, while he mapped the Chukchansi Yokuts in the north-central portion of the Coarse Gold region. He excluded the town of Oakhurst from his Chukchansi area; he left the south half of the region and the eastern Fine Gold Creek area unassigned to any local tribe. Spier (1978:484) did include both Chukchansi and Dalinchi in the list of Foothill Yokuts tribes at the end of his chapter. In the chapter itself, he used the Chukchansi as an example of Yokuts alliances with neighbors who spoke other languages:

:The unity among Yokuts tribes was not so strong as to preclude extra-Yokuts relations locally. The Chukchansi, northernmost of the Foothill Yokuts, had close alliances with the Southern Sierra Miwok, so much so that there is confusion about the tribal affiliation of some border villages [Spier 1978:472].

In fact, most California local groups had close relations with all neighbors, regardless of language, and there were multi-lingual individuals. The degree to which a Yokuts group had “extra-Yokuts” relations depended on its proximity to non-Yokuts-speaking groups. The Chukchansi lived adjacent to a Miwok-speaking local group, and therefore it is not surprising that they had close alliances with them.

All in all, Spier’s Foothill Yokuts chapter is one of the richest of the 1978 ''California'' volume chapters, with many references to the Chukchansi. Nevertheless, it is an uneven, secondary source.